I Sverige förekommer diskussioner om valfusk på sociala medier. Vid valet 2018 låg Valmyndighetens hemsida nere efter en överbelastningsattack, och fyra år senare sprids fortfarande teorier om att Valmyndigheten själva stängt ner sin hemsida för att påverka valresultatet (SvD, 2022). Twitter är en plattform där diskussioner om valfusk sker och där svensk politik diskuteras, det råder en oerhörd polarisering på plattformen kring detta ämne. I denna uppsats har vi med hjälp av en explorativ kartläggning undersökt hur förtroendet till demokratin möjligtvis kan urholkas genom att titta på förekomsten av narrativ om valfusk på Twitter, vår forskningsfråga lyder "hur och i vilken omfattning pratar man om valfusk innan, under och efter det svenska valet 2022". Vi har använt oss av en kvalitativ innehållsanalys för att analysera data från Twitter som handlar om valfusk under tidsperioden 1/8-22 fram till och med den 9/10-22. Vi har delat upp datasetet i tre delar, en period innan valet, en period som sträcker sig under valveckan samt en period som är tiden efter valet fram till den 9/10-22. Vi har kombinerat den kvalitativa innehållsanalysen med en kvantitativ innehållsanalys. Där vi genom deskriptiv statistik visar på förekomsten av de olika kategorierna vi tagit fram i materialet för att på så sätt identifiera i vilken utsträckning olika narrativ om valfusk förekommer i diskussioner om svenska valet 2022 på Twitter. Vårt resultat visar att tweetsen kring valfusk skiljer sig åt beroende på vilken period under valet som undersökts. I perioden innan valet var tweets som relaterar till att valfusk sker 66,5 procent av av det analyserade materialet. Dessa siffror skiftade i perioden under valet där motstånd mot narrativ om valfusk växte och utgjorde nästan lika stor andel som de som ansåg att valfusk sker (31 respektive 40,6 procent). Efter valet identifierade vi en ny kategori av tweets som var den näst största under den perioden (30,5 procent), efter de som anser att valfusk sker i svenska val. Det var de som ansåg att tweets om valfusk hade ökat om oppositionen ej vunnit riksdagsvalet, och att det istället blivit väldigt tyst från de individer som tidigare varit högljudda om att valfusk sker i svenska val. Diskussionen om valfusk är polariserad, där det är två ytterligheter som tampas mot varandra. 50 procent av det totala antalet inlägg som analyserats handlar om att valfusk pågår eller förväntas ske i svenska val, bland dessa inlägg riktas misstro till den svenska demokratin och det svenska valsystemet. Det uttrycks ett stort missnöje och hat mot de s.k "uråldriga" statliga medieinstitutionerna som anklagas för att vara en propagandamaskin för vänsterblockets räkning. Socialdemokraterna är det parti som överlägset mest anklagas för valfusk i debatten, 94,5 procent av alla inlägg som är riktade mot ett parti är riktade mot Socialdemokraterna. De anklagas för långvarig korruption, valfusk i tidigare val, där argumentet om att Socialdemokraterna är det enda partiet som blivit dömda för valfusk i domstol är vanligt förekommande. Huruvida narrativet om valfusk förändras för de olika tidsperioderna så visar resultatet att det är en större andel inlägg som påstår att valfusk sker i Sverige innan valet jämfört med under och efter valet. I datasetet efter valet handlar istället mycket kring diskussionen om valfusk om hur valresultatet hade gått åt andra hållet så hade det varit ett gigantiskt rop om valfusk från främst Sverigedemokrater / In Sweden, there are discussions about election fraud. At the 2018 election, the Swedish Election Authority's website was down after an overload attack, and four years later, theories and discussions are still spreading that the Swedish Election Authority itself shut down its website in order to influence the election results (SvD, 2022). Twitter is a platform where discussions about election fraud take place and where Swedish politics is discussed, there is an enormous polarization on the platform around this topic. In this essay, with the help of an exploratory survey, we have investigated how trust in democracy can possibly be eroded by looking at the prevalence of the spread of narratives about election fraud on Twitter, our research question is "how and to what extent do you talk about election fraud before, during and after the Swedish election in 2022". We have used a qualitative content analysis to analyze data from Twitter dealing with election fraud during the time period 1/8-22 up to and including 9/10-22. We have divided the data set into three parts, a period before the election, a period that extends during the election week and a period that is the time after the election until 9/10-22. We have combined the content of the qualitative analysis with a quantitative content analysis. Where we use descriptive statistics to show the existence of the different categories we developed in the material in order to identify the extent to which different narratives about electoral fraud appear in discussions about the Swedish 2022 election on Twitter. Our results show that the tweets about electoral fraud differ depending on which period during the election was examined. In the period before the election, tweets relating to election fraud were 66.5 percent of the analyzed material. These numbers shifted in the period during the election where opposition to the narrative of electoral fraud grew and constituted almost as large a proportion as those who believed that electoral fraud was taking place (31 and 40.6 percent, respectively). After the election, we identified a new category of tweets that was the second largest during that period (30.5 percent), after those who believe that electoral fraud occurs in Swedish elections. They were the ones who believed that tweets about electoral fraud would have increased if the opposition had not won the parliamentary election, instead the individuals who had previously been vocal about electoral fraud went silent. The discussion about electoral fraud is polarized, where two extremes are pitted against each other. 50 percent of the total number of posts analyzed are about electoral fraud taking place or expected to take place in Swedish elections, among these posts, a huge amount of mistrust of Swedish democracy and the Swedish electoral system is identified. There is great dissatisfaction and hatred expressed towards the so-called "ancient" state media institutions which are accused of being a propaganda machine on behalf of the left side. The Social Democrats are by far the party most accused of electoral fraud in the debate, 94.5 percent of all posts directed at any party are directed at the Social Democrats. They are accused of long-term corruption, electoral fraud in previous elections, where the argument that the Social Democrats are the only party that has been convicted of electoral fraud in court is common. Whether the narrative about election fraud changes for the different time periods, the results show that there is a greater proportion of posts that claim that election fraud takes place in Sweden before the election compared to during and after the election. In the data set after the election, instead, much of the discussion about election fraud is about how the election results had gone the other way, so there would have been a gigantic outcry about election fraud from mainly the Sweden Democrats.

Durante las elecciones presidenciales del 2011 y 2016, muchos medios de comunicación tuvieron un tono más negativo que positivo o neutral en sus coberturas sobre determinados candidatos. Estos fueron los casos de los diarios La República y Correo sobre los candidatos presidenciales Keiko Fujimori de Fuerza Popular, Ollanta Humala del Partido Nacionalista Peruano y Verónika Mendoza del Frente Amplio. Partiendo del hecho de que sí existió una cobertura negativa por parte de los medios ya mencionados, la presente investigación pretende describir las características principales de este tipo de tratamiento periodístico, identificar los criterios de cada diario para la publicación de notas en contra de los candidatos y examinar las diferencias y similitudes entre ambas coberturas. / During the 2011 and 2016 presidential elections, most media outlets were more negative than positive or neutral in their coverage of certain candidates. These were the cases of the newspapers La República and Correo when it came to the presidential candidates Keiko Fujimori of Fuerza Popular, Ollanta Humala of the Partido Nacionalista Peruano and Verónika Mendoza of Frente Amplio. Based on the fact that there was negative coverage by the mentioned newspapers, this research aims to describe the main characteristics of this type of journalistic treatment, identify the criteria of each newspaper when they published articles against the candidates and examine the differences and similarities between both coverages. / Tesis

En el marco del caso de la “barrera electoral” (un tema de derecho electoral) el presente trabajo tiene los siguientes principales objetivos: 1) analizar cuál ha sido el razonamiento del Tribunal Constitucional por el que llega a la conclusión que la barrera electoral establecida por la Ley N° 28617, no es inconstitucional; 2) precisar los conceptos que maneja el Tribunal Constitucional sobre un cierto número de instituciones jurídicas centrales (necesarios para la resolución de este tipo de casos), como son, inter alia: el principio democrático, el principio de soberanía popular, la democracia representativa, el sistema de representación proporcional, y el derecho fundamental a la participación política; 3) demostrar que el Tribunal Constitucional estaría manejando conceptos restrictivos sobre estas materias constitucionalmente relevantes debido, en parte, a una singular concepción que ha desarrollado sobre el principio de soberanía popular, que no corresponde a la significación usualmente atribuida a este principio, también establecido por la Constitución, de la que se aparta; y 4) determinar que, bajo una redefinición de conceptos, en particular, tomando en cuenta la concepción más amplia, y generalmente aceptada, del derecho fundamental a la participación política, la barrera electoral de 5%, sí sería inconstitucional.

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Elections are a democratic process intended to create peaceful and legitimate transfers of power. However, since the second and third waves of democratisation, policymakers and researchers have observed that electoral processes are transformed into arenas for political gain through violence. To counteract this destructive phenomenon, research needs to uncover why, where, how, by or on whom electoral violence occurs. A common denominator for countries that face election violence is colonial legacies. Therefore, this study attempts to explain the occurrence of electoral violence in postcolonial states through variance in colonial governance type, as they produce diverging societal aspects that can create conditions for electoral violence. The study applies an established theoretical framework from postcolonial theory on a regression testing the effect of indirect colonial rule, contra direct colonial rule on the occurrence of electoral violence. The regression results support the theory until colonial rulers and geographical location are controlled for, ultimately going against the proposed theory. However, the multivariate regression models are statistically insignificant, which makes the result of the study inconclusive. Robustness tests support the inconclusive result of the primary model and indicate the importance of segregating electoral violence based on perpetrator.

Politics has often been conceptualized as a conflict between political parties that represent the economic interests of different groups in society. This conception of politics has, however, been considerably weakened by the economic and social transformations of the last decades and by the rise of post-materialist values among newer generations of electors. Indeed, the vote of manual workers for left-wing parties has declined significantly in recent decades as did the impact of left-wing parties on social spending. At the same time, the issue of low-wage work has become prominent in the partisan debates of several countries such as the United States, Canada and the United Kingdom following the mobilization of low-paid workers, unions and community associations. Low-wage workers who mainly work in the service sector have often precarious work and living conditions following decades of labor markets deregulation and are highly dependent on governmental policies to insure decent living and work conditions. One of these policies, the minimum wage, has been at the center of the electoral campaigns of many left-wing parties in recent years. However, the issue of low-wage work has rarely been studied in political science. This thesis seeks to explain the partisan dynamics surrounding the issue of low-wage work. My main argument is that low-wage workers tend to vote for left-wing parties in accordance with their economic interests, especially in countries with a weak degree of corporatism such as the United States and the United Kingdom. In those countries, left-wing parties have strong incentives to make pledges related to low-wage work like increasing the minimum wage in their electoral manifesto, because unions are unable to negotiate decent working conditions for the majority of workers. Indeed, in countries with weak corporatism, low-wage workers are very dependent on governmental interventions to ensure minimum working standards and improve their living conditions. In countries with strong corporatism, however, unions negotiate collective agreements that ensure minimum working conditions for the majority of workers, workers with weaker bargaining power are thus less dependent on government policies to insure decent working conditions. Therefore, left-wing parties should be able to consolidate their vote among low-wage workers in countries with a weak degree of corporatism. Once in power, left-wing parties should also increase the minimum wage and the direct cash transfers to low-income families more than governments led by right-wing parties, especially when corporatism is weak. The emphasis on policies targeted to low-wage workers by left-wing parties in countries with a weak degree of corporatism could also limit the capacity of radical parties to attract the vote of low-wage workers. This thesis is composed of 4 articles, one on electoral pledges related to low-wage work, one on the vote of low-wage workers, one on the impact of left-wing parties on minimum wages and one on the impact of left-wing parties on direct cash transfers received by low-income families. These four articles demonstrate the relevance of a materialist conception of politics and the role of institutions regulating the labor market on partisan dynamics.

The contemporary topic and fear of information attacks making their way and altering the course of democratic elections is a common one for many nations at current times. New technologies, cyberspace, and the increasing risk of hybrid warfare, as well as the little and vague regulation present to manage these, pose an intimidating threat to nations trying to uphold their liberal democratic values; and the nations taking advantage of this new-found form of influence are well aware of this. This thesis centres on the topic of disinformation campaigns by the Russian state in foreign elections, namely those of Spain, Brazil, and Mexico. Particularly, it analyses the response policies from these nations, along with coordinated institutions, as a means of addressing these threats. Taking inspiration from Constructivist theory, and making use of the tools of comparative research, this paper conducts a thorough but straightforward analysis, searching for answers to its research question, and ultimately arriving at logic-founded conclusions regarding the importance of context in policy analysis, and the study of global security, and more importantly how its role is explained on the cases at hand.

During the late 1970s Ghana was described as a collapsed and failed state. In contrast, today it is hailed internationally as beacon of democracy and stability in West Africa. In light of Ghana’s drastic image change from a fragile and even collapsed polity to a resilient state, this thesis contributes to the statebuilding debate by analysing the social change that occurred. Grounded in a critical theory approach the thesis applies a political settlement analysis to explore how power is distributed and changed over time between contending social groups; exploring the extent to which this is embedded in formal and informal institutional arrangements. Ghana’s 2012 elections serve as an empirical basis and lens to observe the country’s current settlement. This approach enables a fine grained within-case comparison with Ghana’s collapsed post-independent settlement. The analysis illustrates that while there has been no transformation of the Ghanaian state, however, continuous incremental structural change has occurred within it, as demonstrated by a structurally altered constellation of power. While internationally propagated (neo-)liberal economic and political reforms had a vital impact on the reconstruction process of state-society relations, Ghana’s labelling as “success story” evokes the distorted idea of a resilient liberal state. The sustainability of Ghana’s current settlement characterised by electoral competitive clientelism depends on a continued inflow of foreign capital. So far the mutually beneficial interest of portraying Ghana as a resilient state by its elites and donors ensures the flow of needed financial assistance to preserve the settlement. / Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC); European Commission Marie Curie Pre-doctoral Fellowship programme

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