Depuis plusieurs décennies, le Canada tente de mettre en place des politiques de réduction des émissions de gaz à effet de serre (GES), dans le but de lutter contre les changements climatiques. Cet enjeu a gagné en importance pour les électeurs de telle manière que tous les partis, peu importe leur orientation politique, doivent maintenant l’aborder lors des campagnes électorales. Ce mémoire se penche sur les élections fédérales canadiennes de 2019 afin d’analyser la manière dont les partis politiques d’orientations idéologiques différentes ont cadré l’enjeu des changements climatiques. Il est indispensable de comprendre que l’enjeu des changements climatiques était un enjeu incontournable lors de ces élections. En ce sens, le Parti libéral, le Parti conservateur, le Parti vert, le Bloc Québécois et le Nouveau Parti démocratique ont dû converger vers cet enjeu et le cadrer afin de maximiser leurs gains (ou de minimiser leurs pertes). Afin d’analyser les cadres privilégiés par les partis politiques d'orientations idéologiques différentes pour discuter des changements climatiques au Canada, une analyse de contenu sera effectuée sur les programmes électoraux des principaux partis lors de l’élection fédérale de 2019 au Canada. Ce mémoire, principalement basé sur les concepts de convergence, de cadrage et d’idéologie politique a révélé que malgré la convergence générale des partis politiques à aborder l’enjeu des changements climatiques, des distinctions notables ont émergé. Effectivement, en fonction de leurs orientations idéologiques, les partis politiques ont adopté des approches distinctes pour aborder la question climatique. Ainsi, nos résultats ont démontré d’une part que l’enjeu des changements climatiques est véritablement devenu un enjeu majeur de la politique canadienne. D’autre part, ils ont mis en lumière le fait que tous les partis politiques ont tenté de répondre à ces défis causés par cet enjeu tout en respectant leurs orientations idéologiques. / For several decades, Canada has been trying to implement policies to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, with the aim of combating climate change. This issue has gained in importance for voters to such an extent that all parties, regardless of their political orientation, must now address it during electoral campaigns. This master thesis looks at the 2019 Canadian federal elections in order to analyze the way in which political parties of different ideological orientations framed the issue of climate change. It is essential to understand that the issue of climate change was an unavoidable issue during these elections. In this sense, the Liberal Party, the Conservative Party, the Green Party, the Bloc Québécois and the New Democratic Party had to converge on this issue and frame it in order to maximize their gains (or minimize their losses). In order to analyze the frameworks favored by political parties of different ideological orientations to discuss climate change in Canada, a content analysis will be carried out on the electoral platforms of the main parties during the 2019 federal election in Canada. This thesis , mainly based on the concepts of convergence, framing and political ideology, revealed that despite the general convergence of political parties in addressing the issue of climate change, notable distinctions emerged. Indeed, depending on their ideological orientations, political parties have adopted distinct approaches to addressing the climate issue. Thus, our results demonstrated on the one hand that the issue of climate change has truly become a major issue in Canadian politics. On the other hand, they highlighted the fact that all political parties tried to respond to these challenges caused by this issue while respecting their ideological orientations.

Fondé à Munich en octobre 1946 suite à la réorganisation d’un proto-parti mariant rejet de l’unitarisme autoritaire et provincialisme anti-prussien, le Bayernpartei (BP) se fit après la guerre le courtier des revendications autonomistes bavaroises et le médiateur de l’hostilité populaire à l’égard des réfugiés allemands originaires d’Europe centrale et orientale. Couronné de succès lors des élections fédérales post-dictatoriales de 1949 – à l’occasion desquelles il recueillit 20,9% des voix en Bavière –, il présente la particularité d’avoir subi pendant vingt ans un déclin électoral régulier, et d’avoir totalement cessé d’être « relevant » au sens de Sartori au moment même où l’on assistait à l’échelle européenne, et même occidentale, à un nouvel essor des partis et formations régionalistes procédant du clivage centre/périphérie.Quels sont les déterminants causaux du progressif déclin du Bayernpartei ? Quels facteurs explicatifs apparaissent susceptibles de rendre compte de sa graduelle transformation en ce que Manfred Rowold estime être une simple association folklorique sans importance ? Tel est le questionnement sous-tendant le présent travail de thèse, et auquel l’auteur propose de répondre en se dégageant du rétrospectivisme monocausal, linéariste et exogénéisant dont firent preuve les (rares) politistes ayant tenté de rendre compte de l’étiolement politique passé du parti régionaliste bavarois. / Founded in Munich in October 1946 after the reorganisation of a proto-party combining rejection of authoritarian unitarism and anti-Prussian provincialism, the Bavaria Party (Bayernpartei) appeared after the Second World War as the spreader of the Bavarian claims for autonomy, and as the echo box of popular hostility against German refugees from Central and Eastern Europe. After having been crowned with success at the German federal election of 1949 – on which it collected 20,9% of the votes in Bavaria –, he was affected during two decades by a steady electoral decline, so much so that it completely ceased to be “relevant” in the sense of Sartori at the very time when political scientists were witnessing at European (and even Western) level a new upsurge of regionalist parties and organisations.What are the causal determinants of the progressive decline of the Bavaria Party? What explanatory factors can be advanced to account for its gradual transformation into what Manfred Rowold considers to be a simple and irrelevant folk association? This is the question underlying the present work and to which the author proposes to respond by working on the assumption that it is necessary to break with the monocausal, linearist and exogenousing retrospectivism characterizing the analyses of the (rare) political scientists who have already attempted to explain the withering away of the Bavarian regionalist party.

選舉制度的設計與評估，主要有兩方面的考量，一是可治理性；二是分配的比例性。以台灣的情況為例，新選制的選舉結果，理論上政府的運作將趨向穩定；相較之下，在制度替換的過程中，改革者通常只看見舊制度的缺失，舊制度本身所具有的優點－比例性，在改革過程中往往被忽視。本文的研究目的即是重拾對比例性的視野，透過Loosemore-Hanby D指數測量選制改革前後的比例性偏差程度，檢視1992至2008年間比例性偏差數值的變化，並從五個面向－選區規模、席次分配、法定門檻、席次總數、選票結構－解釋比例性偏差發生的原因，發現所有的選制設計皆不利於比例性，導致新選制的比例性偏差與舊制度產生極大的落差。 此外，透過比較其他可能的比例性狀況可以發現，無論是聯立制的模擬或是票源模擬的結果，皆顯示有助於提升小黨的代表性；另一方面，同樣採用並立制的日本，四次的選舉經驗可以做為我國參考的對象，但是由於選舉制度的各項要素不盡相同，也使得兩國選舉結果的比例性和小黨代表性呈現差異性。 最後，混合制固然同時融合了相對多數決制和比例代表制的特性，但是由於制度上選制要素以及非制度上國情與社會狀況的不同，很難期待一個完美的選舉制度出現，因此，我們只能尋求一個理想的選舉制度，且善用混合制所具有的彈性，做出適度的調整。 / Upon the evaluation of an electoral system, the main concerns are the governability and proportionality. In Taiwan’s case, the electoral system of Legislative Yuan altered from SNTV to mixed-member system; however, the reformers invariably accentuated the stability of governance but ignored the semi-proportionality of SNTV. Hence, the result of election in 2008 got unbalance between governability and proportionality. This article tends to measure the degree of disproportionality by Loosemore-Hanby index from 1992 to 2008 and tries to explain how disproportionality occurred from five dimensions－district magnitude, levels of seat allocation, threshold, number of total seats, and ballot structure. In addition, the results could be quite different when it compared with of other situations. According to this paper, the representation of small parties and the degree of proportionality will be enhanced while adopting MMP and redistributing the votes. Moreover, this paper is going to make a comparative study with Japan which have adopted MMM and have experienced four times elections since 1996. Finally, although mixed systems combine some features of both plurality and PR, there is still no perfect electoral system in the world. However, by making good use of flexibility of mixed systems, we might have an “ideal” system which can be regularly updated to suit changing needs and political conditions.

Depuis la prise du pouvoir au Venezuela par le Mouvement Cinquième République (MVR) et son leader Hugo Chávez en 1998, ainsi que par l'implantation d'une nouvelle constitution en 1999, la face du pays a changé au plan politique. Alors que plusieurs chercheurs s’attardent à analyser les conditions ayant impulsé ces changements politiques, très peu tentent réellement d’en clarifier la nature intrinsèque. Ce que nous suggérons, c’est que la fin du monopole d’alternance au pouvoir entre les deux grands partis traditionnels (AD et COPEI) en 1998, puis l’implantation de la Constitution bolivarienne en 1999, ont fait entrer le Venezuela dans une nouvelle étape de la modernité. Cette nouvelle étape prendrait assise sur une extension des droits politiques, eux-mêmes devenus le socle de la démocratie. La conséquence de cela serait une refondation du politique inspirée des idéaux républicains promus lors de la fondation du pays en 1811 : la souveraineté et l’autodétermination.

民主國家中選舉是獲得政治職位、聲望或權力的主要途徑之一，有許多因素會影響選舉結果，其中選舉制度是決定在位者與挑戰者去留的關鍵，決定如產生當選者，選舉制度往往會影響候選人的參選動機、競選方式、選民的投票行為，甚至會造成不同類型的政黨政治。本研究主要探究立委選舉從第七屆開始實行單一選區兩票制後，區域立委候選人的政治立場相較於過去在複數選區單記不可讓渡投票制下，是否有所不同或發生改變。本研究以兩岸議題為例，以第五屆及第七屆區域立法委員候選人為分析單位，並依其選舉公報採內容分析法為研究焦點。本研究有幾個研究發現：首先、選制改革有相當程度反映在屆別的差異上，對立委候選人兩岸立場造成影響；其次、雖然新選制下立委候選人提出更多的兩岸政見，但所提出的兩岸政見，新選制相較於舊選制，不但統獨立場趨中，且論述語氣略微和緩，此一發現支持中位選民定理，也就是說，在單一選區相對多數決制之下，立委候選人的兩岸議題不管在方向或是程度上，相較SNTV制度均有往中間靠攏的趨勢，意即新選制下的立委候選人在政見立場方向，是符合理論預期往意識形態光譜中間移動，傾向提出方向趨中且統獨維持現狀或中立的兩岸政見。 / In democratic country, election is the main approach for the politicians to receive position, reputation, and power. Many factors affect the result. Electoral system is one of the key causes to determine who-incumbent and challenger- will win the election. In addition, electoral systems also affect the process of producing winner, the candidates’ motive and campaign, the electorate’s voting behaviors. and even different types of party politics. This paper targets on the district legislators’ behaviors. Do their behaviors change after the electoral reform transiting from SNTV to Single-District Two-Votes System? To be more specific, I focus on the fifth and seventh terms of legislators as the analysis unit, and explore their attitudes or campaign platform on Cross-Strait issue, which are published on the campaign communique. I used the content analysis to analyze the campaign communique. There are several findings implied from this research. First, electoral system indeed affects legislators’ positions on Cross-Strait issues. There is significant difference between the fifth and seventh terms of legislators. Second, comparing with the fifth term, although the seventh term of legislators propose more Cross-Strait-related campaign platform, their attitudes are more moderate. This finding supports the median voter theorem. Under the Single-District System, comparing with SNTV, legislators will stand on moderate position on Cross-Strait issue, no matter on direction or intensity. In conclusion, the findings fit to my expectation that the seventh term of legislators stand on moderate position on the political spectrum. They are incline to propose more neutral campaign platform. They prefer maintaining the status quo to unification or independence.

« Voix, vote et violence : Essais sur les dynamiques des régimes autoritaires électoraux » porte sur l'expression des voix généralement exclues sous des régimes autoritaires électoraux (« AE »), depuis les défis des processus institutionnalisés (en particulier les élections et la démocratie) jusqu’aux rationalisations des comportements extra-institutionnels (notamment la violence politique). Les essais sont présentés en deux parties. Les deux essais de la partie I ont trait aux cadres analytiques d’étude des comportements des partis au pouvoir et des oppositions dans les régimes semi-autoritaires. Les trois essais de la partie II examinent un sous-domaine spécifique de ces régimes : la participation politique des femmes. Chaque chapitre propose des découvertes comme résumé ci-dessous. Le chapitre 1 explore les défis méthodologiques dans l'étude des régimes semi-autoritaires (comme AE) en analysant de manière critique un cadre d’analyse important dans le domaine. Une réplication indépendante du modèle de classification de l'autoritarisme compétitif (« AC ») de Levistky et Way (2010) révèle des anomalies de codification dans la sélection des cas qui influent sur la théorie générale des régimes AC et qui ont des implications méthodologiques pour l'étude comparative des régimes hybrides en général. Le chapitre 2 examine le comportement des partis de l'opposition sous des régimes AE. Je fais l'hypothèse que les objectifs électoraux et les objectifs de régime des oppositions dans les EA (les « jeux parallèles ») s’alignent dans des conditions où il existe une certitude relative concernant les résultats, mais divergent lorsque l’incertitude des résultats de régime ou des élections est plus importante, ce qui entraine quatre types de comportement identifiables. Je teste mes hypothèses sur 55 élections dans 29 États d'Afrique sub-saharienne et je démontre que les quatre types de comportement dépendent du degré de répression de l'État et du niveau de capacité organisationnelle des oppositions. Le chapitre 3 révèle et définit la nature sexuée de la violence électorale (une caractéristique commune des régimes AE). Une base de données originale de plus de 2 000 incidents de violence électorale dans six pays, ainsi qu’un travail de terrain dans plus de cinquante pays révèlent l'existence d'importantes distinctions dans la manifestation de la violence électorale, ainsi que la présence d'un phénomène auparavant non reconnu, la violence électorale basée sur le genre (« VEBG »). Le chapitre présente les définitions, une taxonomie et la typologie des deux formes de violence. Le chapitre 4 se penche en profondeur sur le sujet, en examinant la relation complexe entre les technologies de l'information et de la communication (TIC) et la VEBG. Les notions de la violence électorale différenciée selon le genre ainsi que la VEBG sont étendues à la violence politique en général. Je démontre que les TIC facilitent les formes sexuées de la violence politique, mais qu’elles contribuent également à résister et atténuer ces violences, grâce à certaines qualités spécifiques aux TIC. Le dernier chapitre fournit la solution à une énigme de longue date dans l'exclusion politique dans les régimes AE (et autres) en démontrant la complémentarité des formes spécifiques de mesures temporaires spéciales (MTS) dans les systèmes électoraux fondés sur des circonscriptions uninominales (CU). Le chapitre présente une classification en cinq parties des options MTS dans les CU, y compris une interprétation originale des « seuils parallèles ». L'analyse des cinq types de MTS à travers des études de cas de pays illustre que les divergences dans l'adoption de quotas entre les systèmes électoraux sont le résultat d'un manque de connaissances plutôt que des traits intrinsèques des systèmes électoraux, comme supposé précédemment. / “Voices, Votes and Violence: Essays on Select Dynamics of Electoral Authoritarian Regimes” concerns the expression of commonly excluded voices under electoral authoritarian (EA) regimes, from the challenges of institutionalized processes (specifically, elections and voting) to rationalizations for extra-institutional behaviors (notably political violence). The essays are presented in two parts. The first two essays in Part I concern frameworks for studying incumbent and opposition behaviors in semi-authoritarian states. The three essays in Part II examine a specific sub-field of EA regime dynamics: political participation of women. Each chapter provides findings as summarized below. Chapter 1 explores methodological challenges in studying semi-authoritarian regimes (such as EA) by critically engaging with a leading framework of analysis in the field. An independent replication of Levistky and Way’s 2010 classification model of competitive authoritarianism (CA) reveals coding discrepancies in the authors’ case selection which impact the broader theory of CA regimes and have methodological implications for the comparative study of hybrid regimes in general. Chapter 2 examines opposition party behavior under EA regimes. I hypothesize that EA oppositions’ electoral and regime objectives (“dual games”) align under conditions where there is relative certainty of outcomes but diverge where either regime or electoral uncertainty is greater, resulting in four identifiable behavior types. Testing the theory on 55 elections in 29 sub-Saharan African states, I demonstrate that the four behavior types are functions of the degree of state repression and the level of organizational capacity of the opposition. Chapter 3 reveals and defines the gendered nature of electoral violence (a common feature of EA regimes). An original database of over 2000 incidents of election violence in six countries as well as fieldwork from over fifty countries reveal the existence of significant gender-differentiation in the manifestation of election violence as well as the presence of a previously unrecognized phenomenon, gender-based election violence (GBEV). The chapter introduces definitions, a taxonomy and typology of both forms of violence. Chapter 4 delves deeper into the topic by examining the complex relationship between information and communication technologies and gendered election violence. The notions of gender-differentiated and gender-motivated violence are extended to political violence in this chapter. Information and communication technologies are found to both facilitate gendered forms of political violence as well as empower resistance and violence mitigation. The final chapter provides the solution to a longstanding puzzle of political exclusion in EA (and other) regimes by demonstrating the complementarity of specific forms of temporary special measures (TSMs) in electoral systems based on single-member districts (SMDs). The chapter presents a five-part classification of TSM options in SMDs, including an original interpretation of “Alternate Thresholds”. Analyzing the five TSM types through country case studies, Chapter 5 illustrated that discrepancies in the adoption of quotas between electoral systems are the result a knowledge gap rather than intrinsic traits of electoral systems, as previously assumed.

La confiance envers le gouvernement est une notion fréquemment évoquée dans le discours public et dans la littérature, mais il s’agit d’une notion imprécise, malgré des innovations depuis sa première spécification par David Easton en tant que support systémique. Cette revue de littérature propose de faire le point sur la question de la confiance envers les gouvernements démocratiques. Je définis d’abord la confiance envers le gouvernement comme un concept relationnel et relativement stable dans le temps. Ce mémoire se penche sur 26 facteurs qui sont liés à la confiance envers le gouvernement dans trois grandes catégories : les caractéristiques individuelles, étatiques et sociales. Je démontre que les explications culturelles de la confiance sont nettement supérieures aux explications économiques, et ce à toutes les échelles. Cependant, les jeunes démocraties présentent un profil un peu différent des démocraties plus anciennes : l’économie y joue un rôle un peu plus important. / Trust in government is a hotly debated topic in public discourse as well as the scientific literature. It is, however, an unclear notion, although a few theoretical innovations have helped refine the concept since its inception as system support by David Easton. This literature review examines current trends in study of trust in democratic governments. I define trust in government as a relational concept that is relatively stable through time. This thesis identifies 26 factors that are linked to trust in government in three categories: individual, state and social characteristics. I demonstrate that cultural explanations better explain variations in trust in government than economic approaches at all scales. However, young democracies have a different profile, in which economic approaches have a slightly bigger role.

This dissertation attempts to explain why cross-national variation exists in government approaches to dealing with illegal drugs. As other scholars have shown, several domestic and international political factors do account for some of this variance. However less is known of the effect that bureaucratic dominance and political institutions may have on drug policy. This research argues that bureaucrats define problems in ways that make their services the best possible solution to policymakers. Mediating the ability of bureaucrats to influence drug policy outcomes are political institutions. Certain institutional structures foster a competitive policymaking environment while others foster a more cooperative policymaking environment. In the former of these, law enforcement approaches to the drug problem are often retained as the status quo because competition between policy actors prevents consideration of alternatives. In the latter environment however, prevention, treatment, and harm reduction approaches to the drug problem are developed because cooperation between policymakers allows other actors. namely public health bureaucrats.to influence drug policy decision making. To test this argument, I constructed an original dataset that includes over 4,000 observations of drug policy in 101 democracies. Institutional data on intergovernmental relations, regime type, political bargaining, electoral design, and cameralism were regressed on 6 different drug policy indices: law enforcement, deterrence-based prevention, abstinence-based treatment, educationbased prevention, substitution-based treatment, and harm reduction. While controlling for government resource capacity, severity of the drug problem, international pressure, and political ideology, I found that institutions explain a portion of the variance in drug policy outcomes. Providing in-depth information about these phenomena is a large amount of field data I collected while interviewing 155 politicians, bureaucrats, interest group leaders, and service providers. Respondents from all four of the case countries examined in this research.including United States, Canada, Austria, and Netherlands.report that bureaucrats play a major role in the formation of drug policy. Which bureaucrats have the most influence on policymakers is largely a function of domestic political conditions, international political factors, and political institutions.

A Revolução Federalista e o ideário parlamentarista remonta à história política do Império do Brasil. Com a proclamação da República em 15.11.1889, a vida política e social modificou-se sobremaneira. A forma de Estado deixou de ser Unitária para ser Federativa, o sistema de governo deixou de ser Parlamentarista para ser Presidencialista, a forma de governo deixou de ser Monárquica para se tornar Republicana. Tais reformas lideradas pelo Marechal Deodoro da Fonseca e por Benjamin Constant depositaram grandes expectativas no povo brasileiro. Todos os males do império projetavam-se na república. Com o tempo, o povo foi vendo, pouco a pouco, que as velhas mazelas que assombravam a vida imperial, rondavam, igualmente, a vida republicana. O sistema eleitoral e as reformas eleitorais não garantiam a plena democracia, tanto que Deodoro e os seus garantiram, artificialmente, a maioria na Constituinte de 1891. O alistamento ainda era forjado, a grande naturalização favorecia os Republicanos Históricos, sendo que a vontade da Nação distanciava-se, cada vez mais, da vontade dos proclamadores da República. A instabilidade política e social era acompanhada pelo abalo econômico. As constantes emissões, a jogatina na bolsa, o encilhamento, a substituição do trabalho servil pela mão de obra livre, a substituição dos velhos liberais e conservadores do Império pela mocidade imberbe da República, toda ela inexperiente, toda ela não versada no serviço público é que passou a gerir a vida pública nos mais diferentes estados da nossa federação. A ala jovem republicana, lotada em importantes cargos administrativos e governamentais, trocou os pés pelas mãos, angariando a raiva das forças tradicionais do Império. O Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, por exemplo, assistiu, durante o Governo Provisório, passar pelo Estado, nada menos que seis Governadores. A instabilidade política era total. A diátese revolucionária prenunciava levantes armados em poucos dias. Parafraseando D. Pedro, Deodoro abandonou o poder, momento em que assina o decreto de alforria do verdadeiro escravo do Brasil. Assume o poder o Vice-Presidente, Marechal Floriano Peixoto, o qual presta apoio político ao Governador do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, o Sr. Júlio de Castilhos. Ambos aliam-se contra o exército libertador de Gaspar Silveira Martins, que havia retornado do exílio e fundara o Partido Federalista Rio-Grandense, no Congresso de Bagé, para fazer frente ao Governo autoritário de Júlio de Castilhos. Travou-se no Rio Grande do Sul uma das mais sangrentas guerras de nossa história. A Revolução Federalista foi um guerra fratricida, que matou mais de dez mil homens. Estes revolucionários liderados intelectualmente por Gaspar Silveira Martins e militarmente pelo General Joca Tavares, Gumercindo Saraiva e Aparício Saraiva, guerrearam por três estados da federação (RS, SC e PR), fazendo a república tremer. Em certos momentos, a revolução parecia que garanharia contornos nacionais, e o Presidente Floriano temia o futuro da República. No governo de Prudente de Morais foi assinado, na cidade de Dom Pedrito, a paz farroupilha, momento em que os maragatos de Silveira Martins e os Chimangos de Júlio de Castilhos apertaram as mãos: estava consolidade, de vez, a República. / The Federalist Revolution and the ideas of Parliamentarism start from the Political History of the Brazilian´s Empire. With the Republic\'s proclamation in 11.15.1889, the political and social life changed substantially. The state form stopped being unitary to be federative, the government system stopped being parlamentarism to be presidentialism, the government form stopped being a monarchy to be a republic. Such reformations, leaded by Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca and by Benjamin Constant created great expectations in the Brazilian people. All the evils of the empire protruded in the republic. Over time, the people started to understand, inchmeal, that the old evils that haunted the empire, also prowled the republican life. The electoral system and the poll reformations do not assured full democracy, so that Deodoro and his cronies achieved, artificially, majority in the 1891´s constituent. The voter registration was wrought, the great naturalization favored the historic republicans, as the nation´s will distinguished increasingly from the will of the republic proclaimers. The social and political instability was accompanied by the economic debacle. The constant issuance of paper money, the gambling on the stock exchange, the encilhamento, the change from the slave work by the free work, the substitution of the old empire´s liberal and conservative politicians by the republic´s beardless youth, all of them lacking experience, without knowledge of the public service, started to manage the public life in the diferent states of the Brazilian federation. The republican´s youth wing, occupying important administrative and governmental positions, created confusion, causing rage by the traditional forces of the empire. The Rio Grande do Sul´s state, for instance, under the Brazilians Provisional government, had no less than six governors. There was a complete political instability. The revolutionary diathesis foreshadowed armed uprisings in few days. Paraphrasing D. Pedro, Deodoro abandoned the power, in the moment in which signs the emancipation decree of the true Brazi´s slave. The vice president, Marshal Floriano Peixoto, assumes the power, and provides political support to the Rio Grande do Sul´s state´s governor, Mr. Júlio de Castilhos. They both allied against the Gaspar Silveira Martins´s liberator army, which had returned from the exile and founded the Rio Grande do Sul´s Federalist Party, in the Bagé´s Congress, to oppose Júlio de Castilhos ´s authoritarian govern. Then happened one of the bloodiest wars of our history. The Federalist Revolution was a fratricidal war, that killed over ten thousand men. These revolutionaries, intellectually leaded by Gaspar Silveira Martins and military commanded by General Joca Tavares, Gumercindo Saraiva e Aparício Saraiva, waged war in three states of the federation (RS, SC and PR), making the republic tremble. In certain moments, the revolution seemed to gain national contours, and the President Floriano feared for the future of the Republic. In the Prudente de Morais presidential government was signed, in the town of Dom Pedrito, the farroupilha peace, when the Silveira Martins´s maragatos and the Júlio de Castilhos´s chimangos shaked hands: the Republic was consolidated, once and for all.

Die Dissertation untersucht ob partizipative Governance ein effektives Mittel ist um lokale Regierungen in Guatemala dazu zu bewegen ihren Wählern gegenüber verstärkt Rechenschaft abzulegen und den Haushalt mehr an den Bedürfnissen der Armen auszu-richten. Das erste Papier bereitet die wissenschaftlichen Erkenntnisse zur Wirkung von und den Bedingungen für effektive partizipative Governance auf. Das zweite Papier stellt ein neues Verfahren zur Kalibrierung qualitativer Interviewdaten für fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA) vor. In einer qualitativ-vergleichenden Ana-lyse von zehn ländlichen Gemeinden untersucht das dritte Papier wie sich effektive par-tizipative Governance, politischer Wettbewerb und Zugang zu lokalen Medien auf die Haushaltsgestaltung einer Lokalregierung auswirken. Das vierte Papier analysiert mit derselben Methode die Bedingungen für effektive partizipative Governance. Das fünfte Papier präsentiert eine Fallstudie zweier Gemeinden und diskutiert Politikoptionen für die Implementierung von partizipativer Governance in Guatemala. Die Ergebnisse der Papiere zeigen, dass effektive partizipative Governance in Kombination mit starkem politischem Wettbewerb zu einer armutsorientierteren Ausrichtung öffentlicher Ausga-ben in den zehn Gemeinden führt, da Wähler besser informiert sind. Jedoch deuten die Ergebnisse auch darauf hin, dass partizipative Governance wegen des geringen Grades zivilgesellschaftlicher Organisation, des niedrigen Bildungsniveaus und hoher Armut in Guatemala nicht effektiv implementiert wird. Partizipative Governance kann also lokale Regierungen dazu bewegen Rechenschaft abzulegen und den Haushalt armutsorientier-ter zu gestalten. Ihre effektive Implementierung wird jedoch in Guatemala lange dauern und einen hohen Ressourceneinsatz erfordern. Daher sollten politische Entscheidungs-träger und Geber auch die Stärkung anderer Informations- und Rechenschaftslegungs-mechanismen, wie der Gemeinderäte, in Betracht ziehen. / This thesis analyses whether participatory governance is an effective means for increas-ing local government accountability and for making local government spending more responsive to the needs of the poor in rural Guatemala. The first paper evaluates the scientific evidence on the impact of and the conditions for effective participatory gov-ernance. The second paper presents a new technique for calibrating qualitative interview data for fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA). In a qualitative compara-tive analysis of ten rural Guatemalan municipalities the third paper examines how effec-tive participatory governance, competitive elections, and access to local media influence the allocation of local government spending. The fourth paper analyses the conditions for effective participatory governance with the same empirical method. The fifth paper presents a comparative case study of two municipalities and discusses policy options for implementing participatory governance in Guatemala. Overall, the papers’ findings show that effective participatory governance is sufficient for local government responsiveness in the study area when it is combined with competitive elections, because it increases voter information about local government performance. Yet, the findings also suggest that it will be difficult to implement participatory governance effectively in Guatemala due to the low degree of civil society organization, the low level of education of the population and the high level of poverty. The conclusion drawn from these findings is that effective participatory governance arrangements can make local governments more accountable and responsive, but that it will require much time and resources to implement them. Policy makers and donors should therefore also consider strengthening other information mechanisms, as well as existing accountability mechanisms, such as elected Municipal Councils.