Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the degree Doctor of Philosophy: Public Management (Peacebuilding), Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2015. / Nigeria has witnessed a plethora of conflicts and violence especially since her post independent era. Direct and structural violence as well as cultural violence have largely dotted her history. The various nature of violence that have over the years keeps the country teetering at the verge of precipice include, resource-based conflict in the Niger Delta, indigenes-settlers conflicts, gender-based conflicts, ethno-religious conflicts, electoral cum political conflicts and the recent Boko Haram violent menace that has claimed at least 13,000 lives in Nigeria. There have been attempts by government and civil society organisations to curb violence in the country. However, their limited apparent success and the extent of violence underlines the need for alternative approaches to build peace in Nigeria. Building infrastructures for peace is one such alternative. Using an action research approach, the research focusses on establishing peace clubs in four high schools and implementing a programme for a 12 month period. / D

Thesis (D. Min.)--Ashland Theological Seminary, 2007. / Abstract . Description based on microfiche version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 138, 143-148).

Since the commencement of the 4th Republic in Nigeria in May 1999, one relatively permanent characterisation of the country’s political landscape has been belligerent ethno-nationalism or ethnic militancy. The activities of ethnic militias exacerbated insecurity; confronted the status of the state as the sole legitimate monopolist of the instruments of force and violence; exposed the weak loyalty and allegiance of the populace to the Nigerian nation-state project; and threatened its continued existence as a corporate entity. Decades of marginalisation and injustice foisted on the Niger Delta people by the Nigerian state in tandem with major Multinational Oil Corporations (MNOCs), precipitated the nasty experience of frustration and deprivation, which triggered a section of the youth in the region to embark on the formation of militia groups as an extra-constitutional method for negotiation, and redressing the political cum socio-economic dehumanising conditions of the region. Thus, there is a historically established case of grievance instigated by environmental degradation and despoliation, neglect, poverty, political exclusion and intensified military repression of the Delta people by the Nigerian state in collaboration with the MNOCs. However, though there are ethnic militias in other parts of the country, its rampant proliferation and seeming sustainability in the region -- in the face of organised state violence -- is unprecedented and deserves scholarly investigation. This study, therefore, investigates the extent to which the quest for opportunism and predation by the ethnic militias has led to the escalation of armed conflicts in the Niger Delta region during the timeline of this research. It seeks to establish a linkage between economic gains (through hostage taking for huge sums of money and illegal trading in petroleum products) and the intensification of armed conflicts by ethnic militias in the region. Further, the study systematically interrogates the extent to which international commercial collaborators boosted the violent activities of ethnic militias in the Delta geopolitical landscape. Using the qualitative research approach and data from both primary and secondary sources, the study establishes a correlation between economic opportunism, the proliferation of militias and the escalation of armed conflict in the region during the timeline of this research. Several young people also became highly attracted to belligerent ethno-nationalism in the region as a result of the greed to corner resources from illegal oil bunkering, kidnapping, outright patronage from the political elite and the MNOCs. There was rampant multiplicity and mutation of militias and armed gangs whose main purpose appears to be their involvement in the highly lucrative criminal business of hostage-taking for ransom rather than a principled struggle for resource control and socio-economic justice. Clearly, several people and groups have used such injustices as a rationale for justifying what otherwise would be criminal activities: oil theft, armed robbery and hostage taking for ransom. The quest for various forms of gains therefore motivated the ‘democratisation’ of ethnic militancy purportedly fighting for the Delta region; while in reality, criminality was being deployed as a veritable instrument for illegal resource exploitation, political patronage and primitive accumulation. The phenomenal attraction of people to militancy in the region reached alarming proportion in 2006 when kidnapping for ransom became a strategic weapon popularised by the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND). Generally speaking, it has been estimated that militias may not have been more than 20,000 persons in the region during the pre-kidnapping years. But by January 2009, field studies revealed that no fewer than 50,000 people were involved in militant activities -- a figure that represents more than 50 % of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Further, this research also establishes a linkage between the activities of ethnic militias, illegal oil bunkering, foreign opportunistic traders and the sustainability of conflict in the region during the study period. The purchase of stolen crude oil by opportunistic international commercial traders from various countries of the world was the major source of sustainability of militia movements until 2005. It provided the much-needed arms and money for the cycle of violence and conflict and, thus, became a source of attraction to more militias. With the improved performances of security forces in the region and the consequent diversification of the militias into hostage taking, however, the level of conflict sustenance through oil theft and foreign networks reduced drastically between 2006 and 2009 in comparison with the pre-kidnapping years of 1999 to 2005. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2010.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Ashland Theological Seminary, 2007. / Abstract . Includes bibliographical references (leaves 138, 143-148).

The question of ethnicity has been one of the most topical subjects of study by social scientists. The controversies around this phenomenon seem to have been heated up by the high visibility of mobilized and politicized ethnic groups in most multi-ethnic states. Therefore, the extent to which ethnic nationalities are able to effectively manage the interplay of ethnic differences determines to what extent a multi-ethnic nation develops without crisis. Historically Nigeria has come a long way from multi-ethnic entity with political differences and background to the amalgamation of 1914 till the present structure of thirty-six states. Ethnicity, no doubt has contributed immensely to ethnic conflicts in Nigeria because of long standing revulsion or resentments towards ethnic groups different from one’s own or fear of domination which can as well lead ethnic groups to resort to violence as a means to protect and preserve the existing ethnic groups. Significantly ethnicity in Nigeria, is a product inequality among the various ethnic groups orchestrated by a long period of colonialism; a period which witnessed the ascendancy of three major ethnic groups to the socio-political domination of other ethnic groups and a period when the three major ethnic groups were used as a pedestal for the distribution of socio-political goods, resulting in the inability of other ethnic groups to access these socio-political goods. This situation has continued to impact negatively on the forces of national integration and cohesion in ethnically divided Nigeria. Considering the relationship between ethnicity and development; socio-political exclusion is not only ethically dangerous to development but also economically unproductive. It deprives groups and individuals of the opportunity for the necessary development that can be beneficial to the society. Thus, it is important to develop an integrative socio-political frame-work that explicitly recognizes the participatory role of every ethnic group in governance. Hence, there is a need for the adoption of inclusive governance to manage ethnicity in Nigeria. Notwithstanding, ethnic conflict still persists and an attempt will be made in this study to identify the reasons. Central to socio-political sustainability in Nigeria is a system that should recognize that differences are important to development and encompass notions of equality. Such a system should acknowledge the socio-political and economic power of every ethnic group and promote a system devoid of ethnocentric and exclusionary socio-political and economic policies.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2009. / As the ethnic militias increased in strength after the transition to democracy, voices were raised whether they could pose a threat to the consolidation of democracy. In order to understand the problems that ethnic militias pose for the consolidation of democracy we try to show how they were established and how they have influenced the consolidation of democracy in Nigeria. Further, we ask if the ethnic militias have outplayed their role in Nigerian society. The main results show that the ethnic militias arose because of necessity, in an environment where ethno-nationalism was prevalent because of a repressive state’s inability to take care of its own people. The violent activities of the ethnic militias was not good for democracy in the short run, but as a counterweight to the state the ethnic militias played an important role in what can be described as civil society taken up arms. This militarising of society seems to have forced the state to take the ethnic militias more seriously. Hence, it can be claimed that the ethnic militias served as a midwife to the current Nigerian transitional democracy. However, as the state recognised the ethnic militias as a part of the political realm, and not just violent groups, the legitimacy for the ethnic militias eroded. The Oodua People’s Congress (OPC), which was the most influential ethnic militias in Nigeria, has now changed its agenda, and has not gone back to being the socio-cultural organisation as they were formed as. There is an important role for the OPC and the Niger Delta ethnic militias as a counterweight to the state, but dialogue should be the main way of communication, as violence will only foster violence. It seems clear that the state needs to take the first step in order to make this happen. The conclusion is that ethnic militias have had, and still have an effect on the consolidation of democracy by holding the state responsible for its actions, and by punishing the state when it does not act according to its people’s wishes. It can be claimed that they forced out democracy by highlighting the flaws of the Nigerian state even if the way they operated, was not democratic. By highlighting corruption, lack of law enforcement and unnecessary use of force, they were able to bring down the authoritarian rule and make way for the transition to democracy. However, they do not seem to pose a threat to consolidation in the short term, rather they can have a positive effect, as they can act a counterweight to the ruling elite and other forces obstructing democracy. As we show, ethnic militias are and have been a part of civil society, and the focus of the future should be how to incorporate them into civil society, especially the Niger Delta ethnic militias as they are still active. Ethnic militias (except for some ones in the Niger Delta) were a brief phenomena in Nigerian history, and the focus should be on understanding the reason for them coming into being, in order to avoid it happening again. This thesis tries to give a holistic view of the Nigerian political situation. This thesis fills a gap in the literature concerning ethnic militias, by incorporating the most important factors into a framework. This makes it easier to make an accurate conclusion on how they have affected democracy, and questions the opinion that militias were only harmful to Nigerian development. It is the author’s opinion that this thesis will give scholars a more nuanced perspective of the ethnic militias, and lead to more accurate research in the future.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Nigeria is a country that has witnessed ongoing – albeit sporadic – violent conflict since its independence in 1960 from Britain. A brutal civil war, known as the Biafra war, lasting from 1967 to 1970, was not to end social tensions in this ethnically diverse country. Violent conflict has been an ongoing reality since the end of the Biafra war in 1970. In addition, Nigeria has exhibited substantial environmental degradation and resource scarcity during this time. Hence, this study assesses whether environmental degradation and resource scarcity are independent causes of domestic violent conflict in Nigeria since the end of the Biafra war. Additionally, rich reserves of natural non-renewable resources – in particular the prevalence of oil – are analysed vis-à-vis the degradation and growing scarcity of renewable resources in order to consider the impact both these aspects have on post civil war conflict in Nigeria. In order to achieve this, this study concerns itself primarily with causation. It considers two aspects in this regard. Firstly, it evaluates the assertion that the environment is an independent cause of conflict. That is to say, it investigates the notion that the environment impacts independently on human behaviour. Secondly, it examines the components of the social structure that create conditions that manipulate the environment in such a way that conflict is the ultimate outcome. This study asserts that the agency-structure composite is important to understand in order to examine violent conflict and its relationship with the environment in Nigeria. This relationship-structure-cause premise is examined by using a complex theory framework. Consequently, importance is placed on the causal relationship between violent conflict, environmental degradation and scarcity, natural non-renewable resource dependency and the social, economic and political milieu in which this transpires. This study ascertains that severe environmental change can only be considered a cause of conflict when its impact is considered with other important factors such as economic and political anonymity, which – for the most part – create the milieu in which subsequent violent conflict is the outcome. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Nigerië is 'n land wat deurlopend kan getuig, alhoewel sporadies, dat daar sedert sy onafhanklikheid van Brittanje in 1960, geweldadige konflik was. 'n Brutale burgelike oorlog wat geduur het vanaf 1967 to 1970, het geensins die sosiale spanning ge-eindig vir hierdie etniese diverse land nie. Gewelddadige konflik is 'n deurlopende werklikheid sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog in 1970. Daarbenewens het Nigerië uitgestaan vir hul aansienlike agteruitgang van die omgewing en hulpbron-skaarste gedurende hierdie tyd. Vandaar hierdie studie om te bepaal of die omgewing se agteruitgang en hulpbron-skaarste 'n onafhanklike oorsaak is van binnelandse geweldadige konflik in Nigerië, sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog. Daarby, ryk reserwes van natuurlike nie-hernubare hulpbronne, in die besonder die voorkoms van olie wat betref die agteruitgang en die toenemende skaarsheid van hernubare hulpbronne, word ontleed ten einde die impak van hierdie twee aspekte op post-burgeroorlog konflik in Nigerië te oorweeg. Ten einde dit te bereik, gebruik hierdie studie oorsaaklikheidsleer. Daar is twee aspekte in hierdie verband wat in aanmerking geneem word. Eerstens is die bewering dat die omgewing die onafhanklike oorsaak is van konflik. Dit wil sê, dit ondersoek die idée dat die omgewing 'n onafhanklike impak het op menslike gedrag. Dit ondersoek, tweedens, die komponente van die sosiale struktuur wat die omstandighede skep wat die omgewing op so 'n wyse manipuleer, dat konflik die uiteindelike uitkoms is. Hierdie studie beweer dat die agent-struktuur verhouding belangrik is om te verstaan ten einde geweldadige konflik en die verhouding met die omgewing in Nigerië te ondersoek. Hierdie verhouding-struktuur-oorsaak uitgangspunt is ondersoek deur gebruik te maak van 'n komplekse teorie raamwerk. Gevolglik word die belangrikheid geplaas op die oorsaaklike verband tussen gewelddadige konflik, die agteruitgang van die omgewing en skaarsheid, nie-hernubare afhanklikheid en die sosiale, ekonomiese en politieke milieu waarin dit voorkom. Hierdie studie stel vas dat ernstige omgewingsverandering slegs oorweeg kan word as 'n oorsaak van konflik as die impak daarvan oorweeg word met ander belangrike faktore soos ekonomiese en politieke anonimiteit, wat, vir die grootste deel, die omgewing skep waarin die daaropvolgende geweldadige konflik die uitkoms is.