This study examines variations in the lending strategies of the four main agencies of the World Bank. Countries with similar basic development and demographic attributes often receive very different amounts of financial support from the different agencies of the World Bank. Utilizing regression analysis of panel-data covering the years between 1990 through 2011, the study finds that variation in the allocation of development aid both within and between the different World Bank agencies (IBRD, IDA, IFC, and MIGA) do not generally reflect patterns in objective indicators of economic need or institutional quality among recipients. Rather, statistical analysis shows that World Bank aid is positively correlated with several measures of donor influence. Utilizing a multi-donor model of political influence, the study finds evidence that the Bank’s top donors, countries such as the United States, United Kingdom, and Japan disproportionately influence the Bank to lend in ways that support their foreign policy interests. Countries with close economic, political, and geostrategic ties to powerful donors tend to receive more aid on average than their less well-connected peers. The data show that the Bank often lends in ways that contradict its own lending criteria. Despite the Bank’s explicit emphasis on economic need and institutional quality, the agencies of the World Bank often provide greater amounts of assistance to those with less need and poor quality governance. The study has implications for the study of international organizations, institutional design, and how donor influence at the World Bank is mediated by variations in internal agency structures. / Political Science

A large literature has not reached consensus on foreign aid’s economic effects. Using geolocated aid data and daytime satellite images over nearly 10,000 African neighborhoods, I examine the economic growth impact of World Bank and Chinese aid to 36 Africa countries from 2002-2013, covering 88% of the continent’s population, by sector (e.g. Health, Education, Water Supply and Sanitation, etc.).  I estimate each funder and aid sector’s average treatment effect with an inverse probability weighting approach and adjust for two types of confounders: those I provide in a tabular format and proxies based on satellite images of each neighborhood. The use of image-based confounders may reduce bias due to omitted variables and measurement errors when unobserved or mis-measured variables are visible remotely.  To measure economic outcomes, I use a new wealth index generated by a machine learning algorithm trained to associate USAID-funded DHS survey wealth measures with daytime and nighttime satellite imagery from the same years and locations. The availability of the wealth estimate for 3-year periods over thirty years enabled the analysis to use panel data and fixed effects at the second administrative division (e.g. county, district, city) level. The results are heterogenous across sectors but generally show small positive effects of World Bank aid and larger positive effects of Chinese aid.  Substantive results are generally robust to the choice of computer vision image model, except for three funder-sectors where wide confidence intervals make one model but not the other statistically insignificant.

Foreign aid donors increasingly demand that aid is used efficiently and effectively. This study examines the effect of corruption levels, measured by the Corruption Perceptions Index, within a recipient country on the levels of economic growth. A growing literature outlines the mechanisms through which corruption impedes economic growth and is summarized within. Additionally, as longevity gains may result from foreign aid but are not captured in economic growth, this study computes a variable called the Life Quality Indicator (LQI) that combines such gains with economic growth and examines corruption’s effect on LQI growth. As any windfall, foreign aid has been argued to exacerbate problems within corrupt countries—causing economic decline. This study develops an interaction of corruption levels and the ratio of aid receipts to GDP to examine the effects of this interaction on economic growth and LQI growth. Conducting a regression analysis shows the relationships between the interaction term and economic growth and the interaction term and LQI growth are negative, leading to policy recommendations that corrupt countries not receive foreign aid. Using game theory, this study predicts the outcomes of interactions between aid recipients and donors during the Cold War, post-Cold War, and in the present. The present predicted outcomes suggest that recipients will be the winners because they are able to choose between receiving aid from emerging donors and from the Development Assistant Committee (DAC). Policy guidance to the aid community includes understanding that emerging donors may exert influence on aid recipients and programs to monitor this influence ensuring that it does not become exploitation may be necessary. Finally, a case study of Russia is presented, highlighting its corruption and foreign aid receipts in the post-Soviet timeframe. A separate analysis is conducted on the Former Soviet Union (FSU) countries to determine whether Russia’s corruption and foreign aid receipts caused lower levels of economic and LQI growth than that experienced by other FSU countries. While results do not show this, the negative relationship between the interaction term and economic and LQI growth is also found in this subset.

The quality of governance and institutions is increasingly seen as a fundamental factor in shaping the development prospects of poor countries. As a consequence, donor agencies have increasingly allocated resources to providing technical assistance for improving governance standards in such countries, with mixed results. This thesis investigates the domestic and external factors affecting the outcomes of reforms aimed at improving the quality of government budget institutions across a sample of 16 aid-dependent countries. It provides a new definition of the quality of budget institutions, and develops an analytical framework that identifies the key factors at play in the political economy of budget reforms. The analysis starts with a medium-N ‘pattern finding’ approach, based on a new dataset tracking changes in the quality of budget institutions over the period 2001 to 2007. This is followed by a small-N ‘process tracing’ approach, with in-depth case studies of Mozambique and Burkina Faso (with additional evidence from Tanzania), looking at both overall reform trajectories and four specific budget reform areas. The results show that among domestic factors, economic and political stability are preconditions for successful budget reforms. A minimum degree of government leadership and commitment to reforms is also a very important factor shaping budget reform outcomes, alongside the centralisation of budget institutions. Surprisingly, among external factors, the level of technical assistance and the use of so-called programme aid modalities were less important than the overall fragmentation of aid flows and the ways in which technical assistance is delivered in influencing budget reform outcomes. Donors’ hopes of ‘buying’ better budget governance, therefore, are more likely to be enhanced not by additional resources, but by better behaviour. Moreover, such strategy is likely to work only in countries with enough capacity and interest in reforms.

Afghanistan has been in armed conflict for over 30 years. The many wars have severely affected the environment negatively. Sweden has between 2010-2015 been allocating 4,7 billion SEK in foreign aid to Afghanistan. This is a qualitative study with the purpose to critically analyse how this foreign aid has contributed to a sustainable environmental development in Afghanistan. To be able to answer this question a review of projects documents and Sida assessment was conducted. This was then supplemented by interviews with 14 people who in different ways had been working with these issues. In the analysis theories connecting to environment, poverty and conflict have been used. Sida is supporting two types of foreign aid in Afghanistan; humanitarian aid and development aid. The study found that the Sida’s humanitarian work in Afghanistan has a clear focus on environmental issues, whereas the development aid overall where lacking a focus on environmental issues. The larger focus within the humanitarian aid was explained by that environmental consideration is a part of the Sida’s strategy for the humanitarian aid in Afghanistan and humanitarian aid’s natural connection to environment, in for instance natural disasters. The lack of environmental focus within the development aid was found to have three explanations; the strategy did not have an environmental focus, the staff lacked the necessary environmental knowledge and environmental issues was not believed to be prioritized in Afghanistan. It was however believed to be possible to have more focus on the environment in Sida’s work in Afghanistan. The study shows that environmental issues are not believed to be a necessary component for creating a sustainable development or peace in Afghanistan. The study is arguing that one way to create more focus on environmental issues within the development aid would be to work closer with the humanitarian aid. The thesis was finally presenting an alternative way to look at environment and sustainable development; to focus on the environmental problems of the current generation and by doing so preserving the nature for the future generations.

This thesis deals with the influence of the Marshall Plan for Great Britain. The goal is to characterize the contribution of European Recovery Programme for the island state. It focuses on the development of the policy and the economy of Great Britain after the Second World War in 1945 - 1948. It reflects British-American relations during this period. It mentions the impact of the Marshall Plan from a global perspective, both economically and politically. It analyzes the economic assistance provided by Great Britain, individual negotiations about the size of assistance, the impact of the program, interim opinions of British government and directions for future development of London.

Ao longo do último século, o Brasil foi basicamente um receptor de ajuda internacional. Nas últimas décadas, entretanto, o país se firmou como um doador de recursos para países em desenvolvimento por meio de suas ações de Cooperação Internacional ao Desenvolvimento (CID). Embora o país não se considere um doador, na medida em que essa ajuda prestada pelo país se inscreveria no contexto da Cooperação Sul-Sul, o país ganhou proeminência no regime de CID nos últimos anos. A influência dos países emergentes na arquitetura da CID trouxe profundas mudanças ao panorama da cooperação. Ao mesmo tempo, os países emergentes, geralmente classificados como países de renda média, ainda permanecem com altos níveis de pobreza, estimulando um debate sobre se tais recursos utilizados na cooperação internacional não teriam um melhor destino no ambiente doméstico. Assim, por que um país em desenvolvimento com graves problemas socioeconômicos forneceria cooperação no cenário internacional? Por um lado, o discurso oficial durante esse período, especialmente entre 2003 e 2014, era o de que a cooperação fornecida pelo Brasil, sobretudo em sua vertente técnica, se sustentaria em ideais de solidariedade e no intercâmbio de experiências comuns não possuindo interesses materiais. Por outro, analistas apontam para os interesses políticos e econômicos na sua execução. Essa pesquisa busca contribuir com esse debate por meio de uma análise empírica inédita acerca dos padrões de alocação dos gastos com projetos de Cooperação Técnica (CT) realizados pelo Brasil entre os anos de 2000 e 2016. Dialogando com a literatura acerca dos determinantes de ajuda externa, foi analisada a relação entre os gastos com CT por parte do governo brasileiro e variáveis econômicas e políticas referentes aos interesses geopolíticos do Brasil no cenário internacional e variáveis socioeconômicas referentes às necessidades dos países recipientes. Assim, a proposta dessa pesquisa foi analisar quais os determinantes para a alocação dos gastos em projetos de CT brasileira. Os resultados indicam uma relação entre a cooperação técnica brasileira e variáveis referentes aos interesses econômicos e políticos, como empréstimos subsidiados via BNDES, exportações e apoio político dos receptores ao Brasil em Organizações Internacionais; e variáveis referentes às necessidades dos receptores, como nível de desenvolvimento socioeconômico e qualidade democrática. / Over the last century, Brazil was basically an international aid recipient. In the last decades, however, the country has established itself as a donor of resources for developing countries through its actions of International Development Cooperation (IDC). Although the country does not consider itself a donor, to the extent that the country\'s aid is inscribed in the context of South-South Cooperation (SSC), Brazil has gained prominence in the IDC regime in recent years. The influence of emerging countries on IDC architecture has brought profound changes to the cooperation landscape. At the same time, emerging countries, generally classified as middle-income countries, still remain at high levels of poverty, stimulating a debate on whether such resources used in international cooperation would not have a better destination in the domestic environment. Therefore, why would a developing country with serious socio-economic problems provide international cooperation? On the one hand, the official discourse at the time, especially between 2003 and 2014, was that the Brazilian cooperation, particularly in its technical modality, was based on ideals of solidarity and on the exchange of common experiences having no material interests. On the other, analysts point to the political and economic interests in its execution. This research contributes to this debate through an empirical analysis of the Brazilian Technical Cooperation (TC) allocation patterns between 2000 and 2016. Departing from the literature on foreign aid determinants, this study analyzes the relationship between TC expenditures by the Brazilian government and economic and political variables related to Brazil\'s geopolitical interests in the international scenario and socioeconomic variables related to the recipient needs. Thus, this research analyzes the determinants of Brazilian TC projects expenditures allocation. The results indicate a relationship between Brazilian technical cooperation and variables related to economic and political interests, such as subsidized loans through BNDES, exports and political support of recipients to Brazil in International Organizations; and variables related to the recipients\' needs, such as socioeconomic development and democratic quality.

Ownership is a guiding principle in today’s development cooperation practices, aiming to foster an efficient development cooperation driven by the recipients. However, ownership is paradoxical and ambiguous. No coherent understanding of ownership exists. The multistakeholder development cooperation arena is argued to complicate the recipients’ possibilities to acquire ownership. As the literature lacks an eastern European perspective, this study addresses the above-mentioned dimensions by examining ownership in Swedish development cooperation with Ukraine. By conducting interviews, this study confirms that there is a confusion among development actors in defining what ownership is. In contrast to previous research, this study finds the multi-stakeholder approach as an advantage of ownership. Collaboration between local actors can contribute to capacity development, joint commitment and stronger responsibility, which increases the probabilities that outcomes of development projects will be governed and progressed by the local actors in the long run. Hence, this study contributes to the literature with a more clarified understanding of ownership. Ownership is perceived as a relational concept that is dynamically promoted over time. This study concludes that commitment, capacity and participation are dimensions that can promote this myriad of local actors involved in development practices to acquire a multi-actor ownership of different dimensions of the development process.

O alinhamento de voto no sistema internacional tem sido objeto de estudo desde o estabelecimento de Organizações Internacionais, principalmente após a Segunda Guerra Mundial. Parte da literatura trata da formação de grupos de votação em troca da alocação de ajuda externa por países desenvolvidos, que se verifica como uma estratégia de política externa a qual perdura a relação desigual de dependência econômica e barganha de voto no sistema internacional. Assim, a fundação da ONU e de outras Organizações que a sucederam destacou a crescente relevância em estudar os determinantes do comportamento dos Estados em votações multilaterais, tendo em vista seus posicionamentos de política externa. Já a cooperação brasileira se diferencia do formato tradicional de ajuda externa e enfoca na relação de parceria e redução de discrepâncias entre países em desenvolvimento. Buscou-se analisar a relação entre a ajuda externa brasileira, no formato de cooperação técnica bilateral, e o comportamento de voto de seus receptores na Assembleia Geral da ONU (AGNU), sendo que a alocação seria um meio para influenciar o comportamento de voto a favor de seus interesses de política externa no sistema internacional. Entretanto, os dados observados não apontam claramente para a barganha de votos nesse escopo, de forma que as análises sobre alocação da cooperação técnica brasileira, fluxo de comércio e investimentos levaram à escolha de Angola para o desenvolvimento de um estudo de caso. Logo, este estudo se aprofunda no alinhamento político entre Brasil e Angola, em cooperação técnica, fluxos bilaterais de comércio e investimentos e discursos diplomáticos. Verificou-se que o Brasil utiliza, em Angola, o modelo de cooperação pela transferência de conhecimentos, enquanto busca fortalecer as relações bilaterais, ampliar o prestígio brasileiro e alinhar votos na AGNU, de acordo com o interesse em se tornar uma liderança no cone Sul e em promover a reforma da AGNU e do Conselho de Segurança. Além disso, as entrevistas realizadas mostraram que as relações comerciais e de investimento de multinacionais brasileiras em Angola também contribuíram para a aproximação política entre os países, envolvendo o âmbito público e privado. Conclui-se que o alinhamento entre Brasil e Angola na AGNU não é um comportamento constante, de forma que não se verifica uma coalizão de voto. Por fim, esse alinhamento decorre dos interesses de países em desenvolvimento, quanto a representação do Brasil na esfera de membros permanentes do Conselho de Segurança. / Voting alingment in the international system has been a study object since the formation of International Organizations, mainly after the II World War. Part of the literature on this matter leans on voting groups formation in exchange for foreign aid allocation from developed countries, which is verified as a foreign policy strategy that endures the unequal relation of economic dependence and vote buying in the international system. Thus, UN foundation, among other organizations which succedded it, highlights the growing relevance of compreheding the determinants of State behaviour in multilateral votings, considering their foreign policy interests. Brazilian Cooperation, on the other hand, differs from traditional foreign aid format and focuses on the partnership relation and reduction of discrepancies among developing countries. We sought to analyze the correlation between Brazilian foreign aid, as Bilateral Technical Cooperation, and voting behaviour of its recepients in the UN General Assembly. Thus, the allocation would be used as a tool to influence voting behaviour towards Brazilian Foreign Policy objectives in the international system. However, the data observed do not clearly point out vote buying in this domain, so that further analysis about Brazilian technical cooperation, trade and investment flows led to the choice of Angola for a case-study. This study is about the political alignment between Brazil and Angola, related to technical cooperation, bilateral trade, investment flows and diplomatic discourses. It showed that Brazilian Foreign Aid model in Angola focuses on expertise transfer, while it aims to strengthen bilateral relations, increase Brazilian prestige and promote vote alignments in UNGA. Thus, Brazilian motivation is according with the interest in becoming a leader in the South cone and supporting the political reform in the General Assembly and the Security Council. Besides, the interviews showed that comercial relations and investments of Brazilian multinationals in Angola also contribute to the political approximation among both countries, involving the public and private sphere. It\'s possible to conclude that the voting alignment between Brazil and Angola in the General Assembly is not a constant behavior, since no vote coalition was identified. Therefore, this alingment is due to developing countries interests, in regards to Brazil\'s representation among the permanent members of the Security Council.

O alinhamento de voto no sistema internacional tem sido objeto de estudo desde o estabelecimento de Organizações Internacionais, principalmente após a Segunda Guerra Mundial. Parte da literatura trata da formação de grupos de votação em troca da alocação de ajuda externa por países desenvolvidos, que se verifica como uma estratégia de política externa a qual perdura a relação desigual de dependência econômica e barganha de voto no sistema internacional. Assim, a fundação da ONU e de outras Organizações que a sucederam destacou a crescente relevância em estudar os determinantes do comportamento dos Estados em votações multilaterais, tendo em vista seus posicionamentos de política externa. Já a cooperação brasileira se diferencia do formato tradicional de ajuda externa e enfoca na relação de parceria e redução de discrepâncias entre países em desenvolvimento. Buscou-se analisar a relação entre a ajuda externa brasileira, no formato de cooperação técnica bilateral, e o comportamento de voto de seus receptores na Assembleia Geral da ONU (AGNU), sendo que a alocação seria um meio para influenciar o comportamento de voto a favor de seus interesses de política externa no sistema internacional. Entretanto, os dados observados não apontam claramente para a barganha de votos nesse escopo, de forma que as análises sobre alocação da cooperação técnica brasileira, fluxo de comércio e investimentos levaram à escolha de Angola para o desenvolvimento de um estudo de caso. Logo, este estudo se aprofunda no alinhamento político entre Brasil e Angola, em cooperação técnica, fluxos bilaterais de comércio e investimentos e discursos diplomáticos. Verificou-se que o Brasil utiliza, em Angola, o modelo de cooperação pela transferência de conhecimentos, enquanto busca fortalecer as relações bilaterais, ampliar o prestígio brasileiro e alinhar votos na AGNU, de acordo com o interesse em se tornar uma liderança no cone Sul e em promover a reforma da AGNU e do Conselho de Segurança. Além disso, as entrevistas realizadas mostraram que as relações comerciais e de investimento de multinacionais brasileiras em Angola também contribuíram para a aproximação política entre os países, envolvendo o âmbito público e privado. Conclui-se que o alinhamento entre Brasil e Angola na AGNU não é um comportamento constante, de forma que não se verifica uma coalizão de voto. Por fim, esse alinhamento decorre dos interesses de países em desenvolvimento, quanto a representação do Brasil na esfera de membros permanentes do Conselho de Segurança. / Voting alingment in the international system has been a study object since the formation of International Organizations, mainly after the II World War. Part of the literature on this matter leans on voting groups formation in exchange for foreign aid allocation from developed countries, which is verified as a foreign policy strategy that endures the unequal relation of economic dependence and vote buying in the international system. Thus, UN foundation, among other organizations which succedded it, highlights the growing relevance of compreheding the determinants of State behaviour in multilateral votings, considering their foreign policy interests. Brazilian Cooperation, on the other hand, differs from traditional foreign aid format and focuses on the partnership relation and reduction of discrepancies among developing countries. We sought to analyze the correlation between Brazilian foreign aid, as Bilateral Technical Cooperation, and voting behaviour of its recepients in the UN General Assembly. Thus, the allocation would be used as a tool to influence voting behaviour towards Brazilian Foreign Policy objectives in the international system. However, the data observed do not clearly point out vote buying in this domain, so that further analysis about Brazilian technical cooperation, trade and investment flows led to the choice of Angola for a case-study. This study is about the political alignment between Brazil and Angola, related to technical cooperation, bilateral trade, investment flows and diplomatic discourses. It showed that Brazilian Foreign Aid model in Angola focuses on expertise transfer, while it aims to strengthen bilateral relations, increase Brazilian prestige and promote vote alignments in UNGA. Thus, Brazilian motivation is according with the interest in becoming a leader in the South cone and supporting the political reform in the General Assembly and the Security Council. Besides, the interviews showed that comercial relations and investments of Brazilian multinationals in Angola also contribute to the political approximation among both countries, involving the public and private sphere. It\'s possible to conclude that the voting alignment between Brazil and Angola in the General Assembly is not a constant behavior, since no vote coalition was identified. Therefore, this alingment is due to developing countries interests, in regards to Brazil\'s representation among the permanent members of the Security Council.