Bibliography: leaves 400-433.

<p>This thesis takes as its point of departure the Swedish governmental family policy and the debate on the proposed reform ‘vårdnadsbidraget’. The supporters of the reform present it as something that will increase the freedom of choice for families and benefit the children, whereas the opponents warn for decreased equality and a return to the male breadwinner-model.</p><p>From a constructivist perspective, language is closely related to power through defining and ascribing meaning to reality. By applying a feminist political theory on the debate within the Swedish national parliament 2007/2008 and conducting a discourse analysis, the aim of this paper is to analyse which concepts are used and how they construct to what makes a family within the political debate – is there any difference or similarity between the view of the opponents and the supporters of ‘vårdnadsbidraget’?</p><p>The main conclusion of this paper is that even though the political ideal and rhetorical concepts differ between the supporters and the opponents, they still constitute the heterosexual nuclear family as an obvious norm in family politics. Even though the opponents of the reform are critical to the nuclear family as a ideal, their strife for gender equality contributes to reproduce the heterosexual nuclear family as the family norm.</p>

Die Ursache der Nachwuchsschwäche ist der Geburtenrückgang. Quantitative demografische Determinanten sind auf ideelle Merkmalsausprägungen der Bevölkerung und strukturelle Eigenschaften der Gesellschaft zurückzuführen. Die niedrige Fertilität führt als einflussreiche Kenngröße zu einem Bevölkerungsrückgang und zu altersstrukturellen Veränderungen in der Zusammensetzung der Bevölkerung, die mit weitreichenden und umfassenden gesellschaftlichen Konsequenzen einhergehen. Indem die Konsequenzen künftig insbesondere auf junge Generationen zurückwirken werden und somit zugleich die Ursachen der niedrigen Geburtenrate verstärken, entfaltet die demografische Entwicklung eine Eigendynamik. Maßnahmen zur Nachwuchssicherung treffen jedoch auf ungünstige Handlungsvoraussetzungen. Monetäre und materielle Fertilitätsanreize sind von unterschiedlicher demografischer Wirksamkeit und haben an Bedeutung verloren. Gesellschaft und Staat haben den Fokus von einer reaktionären Symptomkurierung, die eine passive Gestaltung der Konsequenzen verfolgt, auf eine aktive Ursachenbekämpfung zu richten. Es zeigt sich, dass auf der nationalen Ebene die größten Handlungspotentiale erschlossen werden können. / The reason for insufficient offspring is a decline in the birth rate. Quantitative demographic determinants can be explained by ideal characteristic values of population as well as structural properties of society. The low fertility as an influential parameter causes not only a decline in population but also age-structural changes in the composition of population, which come along with extensive social consequences. As consequences will retroact especially on young generations and therefore increasing the reasons for a low birth rate, the demographic trend unfolds its own momentum. However, measures to secure sufficient offspring encounter unfavourable conditions for action. Monetary and material incentives of fertility are of different demographic effectiveness and have lost importance. Instead of pursuing a passive arrangement of the consequences of demographic change by unprogressively treating the symptoms, society and state have to focus on fighting the causes of the decline in the birth rate actively. It turns out that the largest potential for actions can be developed at the national level.

This thesis consists of four empirical studies on women and men in European labour markets. Study I examines effects of the sex of the immediate supervisor on the time men and women spend in initial on-the-job training (OJT) in Sweden. The results show that men receive longer initial OJT than women do, but men’s time in training is independent of the supervisor’s sex. For women in the private sector, the chances of receiving long initial OJT are higher if the immediate supervisor is a man. Study II analyses effects of labour market institutions on the quality of part-time work by comparing the skills and autonomy of female part-time jobs in Britain and Sweden. The results show that female part-time employees in Sweden hold positions of higher skill and have more autonomy compared to their equivalents in Britain. Both British and Swedish part-time employees face relative disadvantages when compared to female full-time workers. Study III examines associations between maternal employment policies and wage penalties for mothers by skill in 10 European countries. The results indicate that, net of variation in female labour force participation, extensive publicly funded childcare is associated with a modest decrease in the motherhood wage penalty, regardless of skill. By contrast, paid maternity leave is weakly associated with a larger motherhood wage gap in less skilled jobs only. Study IV examines the extent to which women’s opportunities to attain positions of high workplace authority are related to maternal employment policies, such as paid parental leave and part-time work. Based on data from 25 European countries, the results show that a high proportion of women working long part-time hours is associated with a wider gender gap in the attainment of high authority positions, to the disadvantage of women. However, paid parental leave appears to be unrelated to the gender authority gap. / At the time of the doctoral defense, the following papers were unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 1: Manuscript. Paper 2: In press. Paper 3: Manuscript. Paper 4: Manuscript.

As a point of departure, this thesis is motivated by the big changes which have taken place in most Western European countries since the 1970s, with an increase in female labour market participation and, to some extent, men’s increased share of the domestic work. There is also a debate as to whether France, having a fairly extensive family support,should be categorised as closer to the Scandinavian countries or together with countries with more restrictive family policy such as Italy and Germany, and thus belonging to the conservative regime cluster as defined by Gösta Esping-Andersen. The major topic of this thesis concerns what expectations parents have on childcare and how they experience the combination of care of children and participation in paid work. Two studies, based on quantitative macro-data, analyse and compare differences in primarily women’s employment in relation to family policy measures. The studies concern in addition to France and Sweden, also Denmark, Germany and the United Kingdom. The results indicate that the extensive family support system brings France closer to the Scandinavian countries. However, results based on 80 interviews made with 40 French and 40 Swedish families in the three following studies indicate that this may not be the case concerning factors like attitudes and values about the care of children and the reconciliation of work and family. Results indicate that values expressed in the French families point to a strong connection with values significant for countries in the conservative regime cluster. Major findings are that in the reconciliation of work and family, Swedes experience role stress more than French people, and in particular Swedish fathers. In France, on the other hand, mothers strongly express a feeling of dissatisfaction with their partner’s lack of participation in the household work. Regarding the attitudes to the paid parental leave (allocation parentale d’éducation- APE), French families’ arguments reflect that the policy does not promote fathers’ use of paid parental leave, and French mothers more than Swedish mothers refer to the weaker labour market situation as a reason for their use of the leave. Concerning expectations on childcare, French families more than Swedish families stress the importance of ‘upbringing,’ ‘learning’ and ‘socialisation,’ whereas Swedish families emphasise ‘pedagogy’ and that the staff recognises the individual child.

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Habilitacijos procedūrai teikiamų mokslo darbų tikslas – apibendrinti istorinius tyrimus, kuriuose analizuojamos ideologijos, turėjusios esminį poveikį lietuvių šeimos raidai nuo XIX a. pradžios iki XX a. 8-ojo dešimtmečio. Tyrimuose nesiekiama nuodugniai išanalizuoti teorinių ideologijos aspektų. Darbuose ji suprantama kaip dominuojanti konkretaus istorinio laikotarpio vertybių sistema, įtvirtinanti ir įteisinanti tam tikras šeimos gyvenimo ir tarpasmeninių santykių normas. Tyrimuose pristatomos trys šeimos gyvenimo vertybių sistemos, kurias propagavo XIX a. tradicinės lietuvių bendruomenės normos, XIX a. pab.–XX a. pr. nacionalistinė lietuvių šeimos ideologija ir 1944–1970 m. Lietuvoje vykdyta sovietinė šeimos politika. XIX a. lietuvių bendruomenėje tokia vertybių sistema buvo glaudžiai susijusi su paprotine teise, patriarchaliniu kaimo gyvenimo būdu ir Katalikų bažnyčia. Jų poveikyje iki pat XIX a. 9-ojo dešimtmečio pradžios lietuvių bendruomenėje dominavo visuotinai pripažįstama ir vertinama privataus gyvenimo forma – santuoka su tos pačios socialinės ekonominės grupės nariu ir sėslus žemdirbio šeimos gyvenimas. XIX a. pab.–XX a. pr. lietuvių nacionalizmas atvėrė naujas asmeninio ir privataus gyvenimo lietuvių bendruomenėje galimybes. Tačiau jei XIX ir XX amžių sandūroje Vakarų Europos valstybėse buvo diegiama pronatalistinė šeimos politika, tai lietuvių nacionalistams rūpėjo tautiškai susipratusių partnerių šeima. Tuo tarpu 1944–1970 m. sovietinė ideologija diegė šeimos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The aim of the research is to analyze the most important ideologies of Lithuanian family since the beginning of the XIXth century to the 80s of the XXth century. Ideology is understood here as a value system that has crucial impact on family and interpersonal relations, and is internalized by the family. Accordingly, three family value systems are under the research scrutiny. The first one was related to the XIXth century traditional Lithuanian family. The second one evolved as a consequence of Lithuanian nationalism at the turn of the XXth century. Finally, the third family ideology was based on the Soviet family policy during the period 1944–1970. Family life in the XIXth century Lithuanian community was based on the Lithuanian common law, the teachings of Catholic Church and patriarchalism as a way of living. These norms influenced interpersonal realtionships in the traditional Lithuanian community and legitimized the only possible way of living, that of marriage with a partner from the same social group and a sedentary life of a farmer. On the other hand Lithuanian nationalism at the turn of the XXth century led to new ideas of family life and interpersonal relationships. Hovewer, even though Lithuanian nationalists desired to promote a nationally “pure” family, they did not treat it as an exclusively reproductive institution. Lithuanian ideology emphesized interpersonal relationships within the family instead of reproduction. Lithuanian nationalists believed that the... [to full text]

Recent research suggests that rural people develop a rich array of informal support and exchange among their kin, neighbors and friends. These informal exchanges are argued to develop in response to the weak penetration of formal state structures and capitalist market relations in peripheral regions. This case study of the survival strategies of low income rural mothers who live in Quebec village demonstrates that these mothers' avenues for economic and social integration are restricted by the formal and informal sectors which constitute and reinforce one another. First, an extensive data and document analysis of the Quebec pronatalist and welfare policies reveals that they fail to provide low income rural women access to appropriate training and education, to transportation and adequately subsidized child care, or to secure jobs. This restricts these women's integration into formal or informal systems of support and exchange. The second section draws on interviews with 20 community leaders and on two years of participant observation. Contrary to the literature which suggests that extensive informal ties promote socially and economically inclusive rural communities, this case study reveals that centralized state development policies limit local community initiative and independence. Hence, community effort to aid low income families are limited to charity which does not fundamentally alter these families' marginal position. The third section draws on semi-structured interviews with 20 low income single and married (or common-law) mothers. Comparing the single and married mothers' strategies reveals that studies of the rural informal sector have narrowly defined the sector, by excluding unpaid domestic and child care work. It is shown that the married mother's strategy to stay in the home is a viable one because she alone performs the unpaid work of the home. This results in her isolation in the domestic sphere. For the single mothers who seek paid work, the gende

Bibliography: leaves 400-433 / vii, 433 leaves ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Anthropology, 1989

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Kassel, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references.