Terrordåd blir allt vanligare i Europa, men Sverige har under lång tid varit skonade från den typen av brottslighet. Det kom att ändras den 7 april 2017 då IS-anhängaren Rakhmat Akilov stal en lastbil med målet att döda så många som möjligt. Den här studien analyserar bildrapporteringen kopplat till terrordådet som kom till att rubba den svenska befolkningens syn på terror. Den här studien jämför rapporteringen i fyra av Sveriges största nyhetstidningar. Två dagstidningar och två kvällstidningar, varav alla har sitt huvudkontor i Stockholm där terrordådet genomfördes. Totalt har vi analyserat 170 bilder, med rubrik och bildtext, tillhörande 170 artiklar genom kvantitativa metoder. För att göra detta har vi tagit stöd av gestaltningsteorin, nyhetsvärdering, semiotik, retorisk analys och teorier för att analysera sambandet mellan bild och rubrik. Resultatet av studien visar att artiklar med etisk inramning var mest representerat när det kommer till alla fyra tidningar sammanslaget. Mellan dagstidningarna och kvällstidningarna visar det sig att det finns skillnader i hur tidningsredaktionerna har valt att rama in händelsen. Kvällstidningarna har en högre representation av opinionsartiklar jämfört med dagstidningarna i anslutning till attentatet. Studien visar även att kvällstidningarna i större utsträckning gjorde känslomässiga anknytningar för att locka läsare.

This study addresses the issue of overseas news production of foreign news media when they enter the market of the Mainland China. By making an in-depth investigation of BBC’s and the FT’s operations in China and comparing the news texts of the two news media’s Chinese online portals with that of their British online portals, differences in terms of narratives, semantics, plot emphasis, and ideologies are identified and analysed, thus revealing the cross-cultural behaviour patterns of the two prominent British news media in terms of balancing between British journalistic ideology and Chinese regulations, western journalistic style and Chinese readers’ tastes, and between moral standards and commercial profit. The four online portals are compared through three Chinese news events that took place in the year 2012: the downfall of Chinese high ranking official Bo Xilai; the large-scale anti-Japan protests in the summer of 2012; and Chinese writer Mo Yan winning the Nobel Prize for Literature. The three news events covered the fields of politics, economy, society and culture. The investigating methods include quantitative analysis and framing analysis of the news reports on the three news events produced by the four online portals, translation study of the translated news reports of the four online portals and semi-structured interviews with journalists and editors of BBC Chinese and the FT. The central argument is that BBC and the FT act differently in China and in the UK so as to cater to local media markets on many aspects including journalistic practice, coverage of local news, and media policy. Such changes in some cases do not remain consistent with their claims to represent the same news media. Consequently, the Chinese branches of the two prominent British news media become neither a British journalistic ideology carrier nor a copycat of a Chinese native news producer but rather a mixture of both cultures.

This thesis presents the ways in which four major Dutch opinion journals have depicted the war of decolonization between the Netherlands and Indonesia and its afterlife in the years 1994, 1995, 2005, 2008, 2011, 2012, 2013 and 2016. More specifically, through a textual analysis of 99 articles, it investigates which frames were attributed to the war by the four journals and which arguments were used to support these evaluations. Combining theories of social memory and the media’s relationship with the public, the results are linked to the academic debate on the Dutch social memory of the war of decolonization. The findings reveal that the examined opinion journals either frame the war positively or negatively, but rarely neutrally. In addition, great continuity and stability in the ways in which the journals framed the event was found, as the tone of the articles essentially did not change between 1994 and 2016. Due to the similar topics discussed and arguments given, it is also argued that the debate which took place in the Dutch opinion journals can be understood as very similar to the academic debate on the Dutch social memory of the war of decolonization.

This research study examines how the image of Kazakhstan was covered by the New York Times during 11 years and analyzed the most common perception of the Central Asian country, using framing as a theoretical framework. Textual-analysis approach was used as a method, exploration produced seven frames. The textual analysis approach demonstrated that negative coverage prevailed in the coverage of Kazakhstan, “in spite of friendly relationships with the USA”. Kazakhstan was framed as “authoritarian” “petro-state”, which got independence, but still followed “soviet-style” politics and was largely influenced by its “hegemon Russia”. The country, which “has a complex about being recognized in the world” (Stern, 2008). Future research needed to promote the image of the country worldwide.

Submitted by Joseilton Rocha (jsrocha@ufba.br) on 2012-12-11T18:02:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissert_Final_Cesar[1].pdf: 2214613 bytes, checksum: d0182730d174eaa42abdb7159f00faa6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-12-11T18:02:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissert_Final_Cesar[1].pdf: 2214613 bytes, checksum: d0182730d174eaa42abdb7159f00faa6 (MD5) / CNPq / O objetivo desta pesquisa foi verificar o impacto do aprendizado formal de Controladoria na minimização dos vieses cognitivos em decisões gerenciais. Para isso foram delineados cenários experimentais com situações que envolvem alguns conceitos relevantes de Controladoria em que podem existir vieses cognitivos, como: (a) Custo de oportunidade; (b) Sunk Costs; (c) Custo de reposição; (d) Teoria das restrições; (e) Formação de preços, utilizando cálculos por dentro; e (f) Benchmarks equivocados. Com o auxílio destes conceitos, busca-se entender o comportamento associado a vieses cognitivos provocados pelo Efeito Framing, pela Ancoragem e pelo Excesso de Confiança. O experimento contou com um grupo de controle, onde não existia a introdução de vieses nas questões às quais os respondentes foram submetidos, e dois grupos experimentais, onde os questionários continham os vieses, sendo a amostra composta por 155 estudantes dos cursos de graduação de Ciências Contábeis e Direito da Universidade Federal da Bahia. Para a análise do experimento, foi utilizada a Regressão Linear Múltipla no teste do Excesso de Confiança e a Regressão Logística Múltipla no teste do Efeito Framing e da Ancoragem. Os resultados encontrados apontaram para a inexistência de contribuições do aprendizado formal de Controladoria na redução da ocorrência dos vieses, bem como os próprios vieses cognitivos (Efeito Framing e Ancoragem) não puderam ser observados na maioria dos experimentos.

Indigenous peoples as political actors in the Arctic Council is an understudied subject.Indigenous peoples have a unique status as Permanent Participants to the Arctic Council,enabling them to affect the policy-making and decisions made within the Council. There areconcerns, however, to the level of Indigenous peoples’ inclusion. Research shows that theworking relationships between the eight Arctic member states of the Council and thePermanent Participants creates dependency, among other things because the PermanentParticipants rely on funding from the member states. This in turn questions the status of thePermanent Participants, and whether they are included into the Arctic Council as independentpolitical actors. This paper aims to build upon research done by Michaela Louise Coote andMonica Tennberg, researchers whom both have contributed to this field of research.

This thesis aims to describe and compare how the securitization of the Arctic is represented in mainstream media of Norway and Canada. As two Arctic nations part of the likeminded group in international relations it is interesting to see how national media frames respective nations’ Arctic interests and strategy. Based on securitization and framing theory this thesis identifies themes and trends surrounding the Arctic by using three different security concepts: economic security, traditional security and environmental security. The data for study will be in total 189 full-text articles from both nations’ mainstream media, where search terms relating to a security grammar will be used. A qualitative content analysis will be employed on articles from Norwegian media, specifically Aftenposten, and Canadian media, The Globe and Mail. The analysis will show that both Norwegian and Canadian mainstream media thematically framed the securitization of the Arctic predominantly through the same security concepts. Yet there were differences in relation to attitudes towards Arctic securitization where Canadian media showed a more assertive disposition towards other nations involvement. Norwegian media, on the other hand was more inclined towards regional cooperation.

Within the context of multiple crises and change, a range of practices discussed under the umbrella term of collaborative (or sharing) economy have been gaining considerable attention. Supporters build an idealistic vision of collaborative societies. Critics have been stripping the concept of its visionary potential, questioning its revolutionary nature. In the study, these debates are brought down to the local level in search for common perceptions among the co-creators of the concept in Vienna, Austria. Towards this aim a Q study is conducted, i.e. a mixed method enabling analyses of subjective perceptions on socially contested topics. Four framings are identified: Visionary Supporters, Market Optimists, Visionary Critics, and Skeptics, each bringing their values, visions, and practical goals characteristic of different understanding of the collaborative economy. The study questions the need for building a globally-applicable definition of the concept, calls for more context-sensitivity, exploratory studies, and city-level multi-stakeholder dialogues.

Den här kandidatuppsatsen huvudsyfte är att undersöka innehållet och spridningen av den politiska journalistik som de ledamöter med mest följare delar via Twitter med fokus på huruvida den politiska journalistiken premierar det politiska spelet/strategin eller om fokus ligger på politiska sakfrågor. Syftet är även att ge en aktuell överblick över riksdagspartiernas storlek på Twitter samt att analysera om de finns någon förklaring till att det ser ut som det gör. Studien är en kvantitativ innehållsanalys där den grundläggande teoretiska utgångspunkten är framing-teorin. Resultatet visar att 31% av den politiska journalistiken som ledamöterna delar på Twitter fokuserar på spelet/strategin inom politiken vilket jämfört med politisk journalistik överlag ligger på ungefär samma nivå, ledare var den nyhetsgenre som hade högst andel gällande att lägga fokus på spelet/ strategin inom politiken. Resultatet visade även att de små partierna hade högre medelvärde gällande följare och retweets/likes på Twitter samt högre antal följare i relation till den andelen aktiva twittrare de har i riksdagen än de större partierna. Resultat visar även att 36% av Twitterinläggen innehållande politisk journalistik var negativa gentemot en annan politiker eller annat parti och att dessa tweets fick mer retweets/likes än tweets som inte var negativa. Den politiska nyheterna som var inom spel/strategi-framen fick något mer retweets och likes än de som var inom sakpolitikframen.

Media construction of major terrorist attacks has received much attention ever since the 1970s in the field of Communication Sciences. Recently, investigations of media participation in the framing process of terrorist attacks have highlighted media’s role in the meaning-making of the attacks and the construction of identity, opposition and confrontation after the attack, indicating the relations of media to the attacked country, the authorities, the readership and terrorism. This thesis tries to analyze a specific discursive phenomenon “country-bashing” in a relational way with other discourses in terms of identity construction and value conflicts in media construction of the terrorist attacks in London (2005) and Paris (November 2015). The aim is to investigate how country-bashing is related to the core idea of media framing of the terrorist attacks. We start from identifying the emphasized frames with quantitative thematic analysis and cluster analysis on four British national daily newspapers, and the case studies of two terrorist attacks are conducted with a discursive approach of framing analysis.In this thesis, eight emphasized frames are identified, which consist a schematic model of media construction of terrorist attacks. The case study on London attacks reveals that country-bashing is focused on political actors and religious minority (suspected community), which facilitates the problem definition and responsibility attribution and finally promote the framing of “war provokes revenge”. In the case of the Paris attacks, France-bashing is a dynamic discursive system which contains an interplay of different types of bashing, shifting with the interpretative framework of event construction (from local context to European context).The thesis concluds that the phenomenon of “country-bashing” is a dynamic (re)construction of relations among the people, the country and the “other”. We summarize 4 types bashing within this discursive system, which are actor country- bashing, policy-bashing, negative branding (places) and systematic bashing. While the first two types of bashing can lead to a complete causality to terror attacks, the latter two provides a fragmented reading and open to further meaning-making. The results of the schematic model of media construction and the types of country-bashing can be used as an aid for further empirical investigation. / Doctorat en Information et communication / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished