Univ., Diss.--Potsdam, 2001. / Literaturverz. S. 305 - 324.

Zugleich: Diss. Düsseldorf, 2008. / Literaturverz.

Magister Legum - LLM / South Africa

Este trabalho procura debater a liberdade constitucional de informação sob um viés não usual ao direito constitucional brasileiro. Seu ponto de partida é a proteção ao sigilo de fonte para jornalistas profissionais, consagrada pelo texto constitucional. Essa regra parece pressupor uma distinção possível e clara entre jornalistas e demais cidadãos. Mas como compreendê-la em um cenário atual no qual: a) as condições tecnológicas permitem que qualquer cidadão, a um custo baixo ou quase inexistente, publique informações para um número indistinto de pessoas, e; b) o Supremo Tribunal Federal tenha reconhecido que o Estado não pode exigir a obtenção de um diploma de ensino superior para diferenciar a categoria de jornalistas? Logo, o pano de fundo deste trabalho é a possibilidade de o Estado diferenciar jornalistas de demais cidadãos com relação à concessão de prerrogativas para o exercício da liberdade de informação. Nos Estados Unidos, esse é um debate relevante ao menos desde a década de 1970. São apresentados seus principais aspectos: por um lado, a jurisprudência de sua Suprema Corte, que se negou sistematicamente a diferenciar direitos próprios à liberdade de imprensa (Press Clause) em comparação com a liberdade de expressão (Speech Clause); por outro, as abordagens funcional e institucional à liberdade de imprensa, composta respectivamente por autores favoráveis e críticos àquela linha jurisprudencial. Ao final, a partir de uma perspectiva crítica e da adoção de fundamentos jurídicos, busca-se analisar a regra constitucional do sigilo de fonte e propor parâmetros interpretativos para sua aplicação. / This paper seeks to debate the constitutional freedom of information under an aspect not common to Brazilian constitutional law. The departure point is the reporters privilege, constitutionally protected for professionals by law. That rule seems assume a possible and clear distinction between journalists and other citizens. But how to understand it under a scenario where: a) the technological conditions allow any citizen, with very cheap or barely existing costs, to publish information for an indistinct number of people, and; b) the Supreme Federal Court has recognized that the State may not license journalists by a college degree diploma? Thus, the background subject of this paper is the possibility that the State differentiates journalists from other citizens in regard to the concession of prerogatives for the exercise of the freedom of information. In the United States, this has been a relevant debate at least since de 1970s. The main aspects are presented: on one hand, the Supreme Courts case law that has systematically denied to differentiate exclusive rights deriving from the Press Clause in comparison to the Speech Clause; on the other hand, the functional and institutional approaches to freedom of the press, respectively representing the authors favorable and critics to that judicial construction. Finally, taking on from a critic perspective and adopting legal fundaments, it seeks to analyze the constitutional rule of the reporters privilege and to propose interpretative standards for it.

Este trabalho analisa a criação da Lei de Acesso à Informação Pública no Brasil, sob a lente da literatura de formação da agenda da área de políticas públicas. Com isso, buscou-se identificar quem foram os atores na arena política decisória e quais eram seus interesses na pauta do direito à informação. A partir das investigações realizadas por meio de documentos públicos e entrevistas, constatou-se uma particularidade interessante do caso brasileiro: o envolvimento ativo de um corpo burocrático, formado por funcionários do alto escalão da Controladoria Geral da União, que liderou esta agenda pelo Executivo. A tese colocada neste trabalho é a de que uma das motivações da CGU em propor esta agenda foi garantir a abertura de documentos públicos, a fim de obter acesso a documentos e informações fundamentais para o controle interno desempenhado pelo órgão. Nesta lógica, a Lei de Acesso à Informação, de certa forma, contribui para a burocracia controlar a própria burocracia. Este trabalho tem um recorte temporal bastante delimitado: o estudo parte de 2003, data da primeira proposição de projeto de lei para regulamentando o acesso à informação, pela Câmara dos Deputados, até a sanção do projeto de lei elaborado pelo Executivo, em 2011. Ao longo destes nove anos, houve disputas em torno do que seria o direito à informação pública, a quem serviriam tais informações e quem conduziria esta pauta na agenda governamental. Como veremos, o Executivo foi o ator com mais recursos e poder de influência no campo decisório / This Dissertation sought to analyse the passage of the Freedom of Information Law in Brazil, known as Access to Public Information Law, through the lens of agenda-setting literature in public policy. The aim of this study is to identify the players at the political arena and their role in designing and negotiating a bill that guarantees access to public information and to their interest in advocating for the right to information and for the public transparency. From the investigations carried out by analysing public documents and interviews, it was found an interesting feature of the Brazilian case: the active involvement of a bureaucratic body composed of senior officials of the Federal Comptroller General (CGU), who led this agenda by the Executive. The thesis of this research is that one of the main motivation of the CGU in this agenda was to ensure the opening of public documents in order to gain access to documents and to key information about the transfer of federal government resources and funds to states and municipalities for internal control purposes. The Brazilian Access to Public Information Law, somehow, allows the state bureaucracy to control bureaucracy itself. This work comprises a delimited period: it starts in 2003, when the first proposal of a bill to regulate access to information was presented at the Chamber of Deputies, by a member of the Parliament, until the sanction of the bill that was made by the Executive, in 2011. During these nine years, there were disputes over what should be the right to public information, to whom such information would be useful and for what purpose and who would lead this agenda. As we shall see, the Executive, represented by CGU was the actor with more resources and power to bargain in favour of this agenda at the decision-making arena

Submitted by Karina Rodrigues (karinafrodrigues@gmail.com) on 2013-11-18T11:39:44Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Karina Rodrigues - Relações civis-militares e Leis de Acesso.pdf: 977271 bytes, checksum: 5ca542611c3e3c891412198f7dc3596a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2014-01-28T13:22:07Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Karina Rodrigues - Relações civis-militares e Leis de Acesso.pdf: 977271 bytes, checksum: 5ca542611c3e3c891412198f7dc3596a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2014-02-03T15:50:53Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Karina Rodrigues - Relações civis-militares e Leis de Acesso.pdf: 977271 bytes, checksum: 5ca542611c3e3c891412198f7dc3596a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-02-03T15:51:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Karina Rodrigues - Relações civis-militares e Leis de Acesso.pdf: 977271 bytes, checksum: 5ca542611c3e3c891412198f7dc3596a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-28 / Particularly in Latin America, a vast legacy of military regimes has contributed to the entrenchment of a culture of secrecy in governments. In most of these cases, the argument used for the coup was the defense of the homeland against the communist threat, and also motivated by a sense of duty of the armed forces to preserve the rule. In this view, they would be the most qualified ones to determine when and how to intervene in the internal political order. However, to justify military intervention in the internal political order based on a 'cleansing' of democracy is always an endeavor fraught with contradictions and serious risks to freedom. This context led scholars and authorities to rethink civil control over the military, and to redefine the armed forces’ roles. On the ongoing process of democracy consolidation, the military still holds some political and veto powers within civilian governments. The civilian control of the military in Latin America faces the lack of political incentives for civilians to be involved and specialized on the subject, since there are no observed external, either internal threats. In fact, the region has been considered as a 'peace zone', where diplomatic efforts would prevail over armed conflicts. The enactment of FOI laws opens an entirely new way of civil scrutiny – a monitory democracy, which affects directly the military autonomy and organizational culture. In the study of the emergence and strength of Freedom of Information (FOI) laws in Latin America, the civil-military relations have not been considered in depth as an influential factor. From this, we sought to trace a link between, on the one hand, the existence of FOI legislation, the date of approval of the FOI law and its general and exceptions strength, and on the other hand, the civil-military relations in Latin America. We found some suggestive links to be explored. A considerable number of countries support that the civil-military relations influence both regulation of exceptions and the time the law was passed. There is a general trend in Latin America to adopt weak FOI laws in regulating exceptions. This study provides the transparency and civil-military research agendas with various possibilities of compared case studies. It was also made an in-depth case study of Brazil, a very representative country on military influence in politics. In the discussions about the law, secrecy was the most polemic topic, and besides the military and diplomats, no other actors got deeply involved against it. It was concluded that civil-military relations in Brazil were an important and non-ignorable factor in the late approval of the FOI law in the country. / Na América Latina, um vasto legado de regimes militares tem contribuído para o fortalecimento de uma cultura de sigilo nos governos. Além da defesa da pátria contra a ameaça comunista, a maioria destes golpes se deveu a um senso de dever das Forças Armadas em preservar o Estado. Deste ponto de vista, os próprios militares seriam os mais qualificados para determinar quando e como intervir na ordem política interna. No entanto, justificar a intervenção militar na ordem política interna é sempre um empreendimento repleto de contradições e riscos graves para a liberdade. Este contexto levou os estudiosos e autoridades a repensarem o controle civil sobre os militares, e a redefinirem os papéis das forças armadas. Neste processo de consolidação da democracia, os militares ainda mantêm alguns poderes políticos e de veto dentro dos governos civis. O controle civil democrático das Forças Armadas na América Latina enfrenta a falta de incentivos políticos para os civis a se envolverem e se especializarem no assunto, já que não há ameaças internas, quer externas observadas. De fato, a região tem sido considerada como uma 'zona de paz', onde os esforços diplomáticos prevaleceriam sobre conflitos armados. A promulgação de leis de acesso à informação pública (LAI) abre uma maneira inteiramente nova de escrutínio público – uma democracia monitorial, que afeta diretamente a autonomia militar e sua cultura organizacional. No estudo do surgimento e da força legal das LAI na América Latina, as relações entre civis e militares não foram consideradas em profundidade como um fator influente. Buscou-se traçar uma relação entre, por um lado, a existência de LAI, a data de aprovação da LAI e sua força geral e exceções, e por outro lado, as relações civis-militares na América Latina. Um número considerável de países suporta que as relações civis-militares influenciam a regulamentação das exceções e o momento em que a lei foi aprovada. Há uma tendência geral na América Latina a adotar LAI fracas na regulamentação de exceções. Também foi feito um estudo de caso do Brasil, país muito representativo da influência militar na política. Concluiu-se que as relações entre civis e militares no Brasil foram um fator de grande influência na aprovação final da LAI no país. Este estudo contribui para a construção de uma ponte entre as agendas de pesquisa de transparência e de relações civis-militares, com várias possibilidades de estudos de casos comparados.

Doctorat en Sciences juridiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The study aims to investigate how Swedish governmental agencies deal with persons who make excessively large amounts of freedom of information requests. These persons, who can be said to suffer from justice obsession syndrome, often consume an unproportional amount of government agency resources. More specifically, the study investigates whether Swedish government agencies have created formal rules and guidelines on how to handle these citizens and how employees of these agencies view the handling of these cases. The material consists of interviews conducted with ten employees at nine diffrent Swedish government agencies. In addition 24official guidelines where collected from 22 diffrent Swedish government agencies. Trancripts from the interviews and the official guidelines fomed the data of analysis. The study concludes that the majority of the Swedish governmental agencies have well-established routines when dealing with these persons and their freedom of information requests. This regardless of how often or how rarley they deal with this.

This dissertation explores the battle to democratize the national security state, 1970-1978. It examines the neo-progressive movement to institutionalize a new domestic policy regime, in an attempt to force government transparency, protect individual privacy from state intrusion, and create new judicial and legislative checks on domestic security operations. It proceeds chronologically, first outlining the state's overwhelming response to the domestic unrest of the 1960s. During this period, the Department of Justice developed new capacities to better predict urban unrest, growing a computerized databank that contained millions of dossiers on dissenting Americans and the Department of Defense greatly expanded existing capacities, applying cold war counterinsurgency and counterintelligence techniques developed abroad to the problems of protests and riots at home. The remainder of the dissertation examines how the state's secret response to unrest and disorder became public in the early 1970s. It traces the development of a loose coalition of reformers who challenged domestic security policy and coordinated legislative and litigative strategies to check executive power. / History

One of the realities that developing countries like Nigeria have to face today is that national and international markets have become more and more interconnected through the global platform of telecommunications and the Internet. This global networked economy is creating a paradigm shift in the focus of development goals and strategies particularly for developing countries. Globalisation is driving the nations of the world more into political and economic integration. These integrations are enhanced by a globally interconnected network of economic and communication systems at the apex of which is the Internet. This network of networks thrives on and encourages the expansion of cross-border flows of ideas and information, goods and services, technology and capital. Being an active member of the global network economy is essential to Nigeria’s economic development. It must plug into the network or risk being shut out. The global market network operates by means of rules and standards that are largely set by the dominant players in the network. Data protection is a critical component of the regime of rules and standards that govern the global network economy; it is evolving into an international legal order that transcends geographical boundaries. The EU Directive on data protection is the de facto global standard for data protection; it threatens to exclude non-EU countries without an adequate level of privacy protection from the EU market. More than 50 countries have enacted data protection laws modelled on the EU standard. Access to the huge EU market is a major motivation for the current trend in global harmonisation of domestic data protection laws. This trend provides a compelling reason for examining the issues relating to data protection and trans-border data flows and their implications for Nigeria’s desire to integrate into the global network economy. There are two primary motivations for legislating restrictions on the flow of data across national boundaries. The first is the concern for the privacy of the citizens, and second, securing the economic well-being of a nation. It is important that Nigeria’s privacy protection keeps pace with international norms in the provision of adequate protection for information privacy order to prevent potential impediments to international trading opportunities. / Public, Constitutional, & International / LLD