[pt] A partir da leitura do romance de José Cardoso Pires, Balada da praia dos cães, escrito em 1982, busco compreender as questões que levaram à consolidação da ditadura de Oliveira Salazar em Portugal no século XX (1936- 1974). Para além de um estudo literário de interpretação do romance, ponho em discussão as razões que levaram Cardoso Pires a produzir uma obra marcada pela cultura de tantos anos de censura. A história, a cultura, a política, a representação ativa e o posicionamento do intelectual português também constituem objeto de análise. O desvelamento e o questionamento dos meios com que se veiculava a história na época salazarista, a reescrita pelo autor da história da ditadura a partir de um recorte temporal e temático (um crime que ocorreu em 1960), as marcas sutis da Revolução dos Cravos no romance são elementos essenciais para a compreensão da cultura de Portugal. Esses traços foram observados no romance para, em primeiro lugar, instaurar a dúvida, que levou à necessidade de investigar mais que um romance, mas uma cultura há tanto tempo com marcas censoras e, finalmente, para que se compreendesse a literatura como objeto de luta, através da qual se pode fazer uma Revolução e se conquistar a liberdade de expressão. / [en] On the basis of a reading of José Cardoso Pires s novel Balada da praia dos cães, written in 1982, I try to understand the factors that led to Oliveira Salazar s dictatorship in Portugal in the twentieth century. Going beyond a literary interpretation of the novel, I look into the reasons why the author wrote a novel extremely marked by a culture of so many years of censorship. The history, the culture, the politics, the active representation and stance of the Portuguese intellectual are discussed. The revelation and questioning of the ways how history was transmitted in the Salazarist era, Pires s rewriting of the history of the dictatorship through a specific temporal and thematic framing (a crime that took place in 1960), the subtle marks of the 1974 revolution in the novel are essential elements for an understanding of current Portuguese culture. These traits were observed in the novel to raise the question that led to the need to look into not just a novel, but an entire culture long marked by censorship and, finally, to view literature as an instrument for revolution and the attainment of freedom of expression.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-08-09T12:33:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Arthur Deucher Figueiredo Santos.pdf: 712842 bytes, checksum: d7b1013d73a0d63bdca3ec7ec874b762 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T12:33:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Arthur Deucher Figueiredo Santos.pdf: 712842 bytes, checksum: d7b1013d73a0d63bdca3ec7ec874b762 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-06-27 / Fundação São Paulo - FUNDASP / Two themes surround the purpose of this work: the freedom of artistic expression (or artistic freedom) and the disposition of the human body. Both are very problematic. What is proposed is the analysis of the dialogue between these two questions: how should freedom of artistic expression be applied when applied at the disposition of the human body? Does artistic freedom strengthen such provision by broadening the range of possibilities for doing so? In this sense, the fundamental problem to be discussed in this work is whether the infra-constitutional legal order, especially the art. 13 of the Civil Code, is up to the constitutional text to regulate such sensitive subject. In order to do so, I seek to understand the outlines of artistic freedom in the legal order, its application in the Federal Supreme Court, as well as the free development of the individual and the creation of his identity, in the context of corporal disposition. In this sense, the theoretical study of liberties in general, freedom of expression, freedom of artistic expression, the phenomenon of the constitutionalization of private law, existential subjective situations, personality rights, private autonomy and the fundamental rights. Thereby, I seek to provide an adequate answer to the problem proposed in this study and to verify the appropriateness or not of the infraconstitutional rule of artistic freedom applied to the corporal disposition / Dois temas cercam o objetivo deste trabalho: a liberdade de expressão artística (ou liberdade artística) e a disposição do corpo humano (ou direito ao próprio corpo). Ambos são, por si só, problemáticos. O que se propõe é a análise do diálogo entre essas duas questões: como se deve operar a liberdade de expressão artística quando aplicada à disposição do corpo humano? A liberdade artística potencializa referida disposição, ampliando o leque de possibilidades para fazê-lo? Nesse sentido, o problema fundamental a ser discutido neste trabalho é saber se o ordenamento jurídico infraconstitucional, em especial o art. 13 do Código Civil, encontra-se à altura do texto constitucional para regular tão sensível tema. Para tanto, procuro compreender os contornos da liberdade artística no ordenamento jurídico, sua aplicação no Supremo Tribunal Federal, bem como o livre desenvolvimento da pessoa humana e a criação de sua identidade, no contexto de disposição corporal. Nesse sentido, parto do estudo teórico das liberdades em geral, da liberdade de expressão, da liberdade de expressão artística, do fenômeno da constitucionalização do direito privado, das situações subjetivas existenciais, dos direitos da personalidade, da autonomia privada e da vinculação dos particulares a direitos fundamentais. Com isso, busco fornecer uma resposta adequada ao problema proposto neste trabalho e verificar a adequação ou não do regramento infraconstitucional da liberdade artística aplicada à disposição corporal

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:19:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Joao Luis Mousinho dos Santos Monteiro Violante.pdf: 839581 bytes, checksum: 060bc31cddaae24d520d79718a78c391 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-07-20 / This work is based on the trial of writer and editor Siegfried Ellwanger, indicted by the Public Prosecutor of the State of Rio Grande do Sul from the practice of the crime of racism (article 20 of law n ° 7,716/89, with the redaction given by law n ° 8,081/90), by reason of publishing and marketing books content discriminatory against the Jewish people. The first chapter describes the path travelled by Revisão Editora, founded by the defendant, which specialized in disseminating ideas that contest the occurrence of historical facts related to the second world war, in particular, the existence of the Jewish Holocaust perpetrated by the Nazis, while remained in activity, in the main pole of the entry called "historical revisionism" in Brazil. The chapters 2, 3 and 4 examines the legal way cases for the crime of racism and the key issues raised therein and decided by the various instances of Brazilian criminal justice, limited of constitutional legal concept of racism and weighting values in the face of collision between the fundamental rights of freedom of expression and protecting the dignity of the Jewish people. In the last chapter is the overall analysis of the case, under the approach of the Public International Law, of Constitutional Law, of comparative jurisprudence and specific criminal legislation on the matter / Versa o presente trabalho sobre o julgamento do escritor e editor gaúcho Siegfried Ellwanger, acusado pelo Ministério Público do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul da prática de crime de racismo (artigo 20 da Lei n° 7.716/89, com a redação dada pela Lei n° 8.081/90), em razão da publicação de livros de conteúdo discriminatório contra o povo judeu. O primeiro capítulo descreve a trajetória percorrida pela Revisão Editora, fundada pelo réu, que se especializou em difundir idéias que contestam a ocorrência de fatos históricos relacionados à Segunda Guerra Mundial, em especial, a existência do holocausto judeu perpetrado pelos nazistas, convertendo-se, ao tempo em que permaneceu em atividade, no principal pólo do movimento denominado revisionismo histórico no Brasil. Nos capítulos 2, 3 e 4, examina-se o iter jurídico do processo por crime de racismo e as questões fundamentais nele suscitadas e decididas pelas diversas instâncias da Justiça Penal brasileira, destacando-se a delimitação do conceito jurídico-constitucional de racismo e a ponderação de valores em face da colisão entre os direitos fundamentais da liberdade de expressão e da proteção à dignidade do povo judeu. No último capítulo, procedeu-se à análise global do caso, sob os enfoques do Direito Internacional Público, da Jurisprudência Comparada, do Direito Constitucional e da legislação penal específica sobre a matéria

Apesar de ser considerada há muito tempo e por inúmeras nações e organizações internacionais como um valor fundamental, a liberdade de expressão é, até hoje, objeto de muitas incertezas e indefinições, especialmente quanto à sua aplicação prática em um cenário em que outros direitos e valores constitucionais estão envolvidos. O presente estudo parte da análise da estrutura do ato comunicativo, especificamente da análise da identidade dos sujeitos da comunicação, do fator temporal e do conteúdo ou mensagem, para aferir se a valoração jurídica da expressão do pensamento é condicionada por esses elementos. A partir disso, o presente trabalho propõe critérios para que a interpretação e a aplicação da liberdade de expressão sejam imbuídas de segurança jurídica, de modo a garantir própria efetividade dessa liberdade que se configura como um valor tão caro às sociedades democráticas. / Despite being considered as a fundamental value for several centuries and by many nations and international organizations, freedom of speech is, until present time, the object of much uncertainty, especially regarding its practical application when other rights and constitutional values are involved. The present study analyses the structure of the communicative act, specifically the identity of interlocutors, the time factor and the content or message, to assess if the legal value of the expression of thought is conditioned by these elements. From that, the present work proposes criteria to a rational and secure interpretation and application of freedom of speech, so as to guarantee the effectiveness itself of this liberty, that is so dear to democratic societies.

L’évolution d’une économie industrielle vers une économie de la connaissance et du savoir a propulsé la propriété intellectuelle sur le devant de la scène. Désormais les droits intellectuels s’intègrent à tous les domaines de la vie moderne. De ce fait, le besoin de les protéger efficacement par des règles juridiques appropriées et d’inciter en conséquence les créateurs à produire de nouvelles créations est devenu une nécessité de premier ordre. Cependant, la spécificité de la nature de l’œuvre protégée par la propriété intellectuelle exige la prise en considération de multiples intérêts antagonistes. C’est pourquoi le législateur a cherché, au nom de l’intérêt général, à créer un juste équilibre interne entre les principaux intérêts présents au sein du régime de la propriété intellectuelle. Or, l’exercice des prérogatives octroyées par le régime de propriété intellectuelle effectué par le titulaire de droit a généré une importante expansion de ses intérêts au détriment des autres intérêts concurrents – présents dans la matière. Cette situation a provoqué, en conséquence, une rupture de l’équilibre interne de ce système, préétabli en amont par le législateur. Or, l’intérêt général peut jouer un rôle central dans le rétablissement d’un équilibre en la matière. Dans cette perspective, le juge peut, grâce à son pouvoir créateur de règles jurisprudentielles, se servir de l’intérêt général comme d’une ligne directrice servant à rétablir ce juste équilibre dans le système de la propriété intellectuelle. L’intérêt général justifie donc, tout autant que les limites intrinsèques aux droits de la propriété intellectuelle, les limites extrinsèques à ces droits / The evolution of the industrial economy towards the economy of knowledge has propelled intellectual property to the forefront. Intellectual property has become integrated in all the domains of the modern life. As a result, it has become a necessity to protect it effectively through appropriate legal rules that encourage creators to continue to provide new creations. However, the specificity of the nature of the work protected by intellectual property requires the consideration of multiple conflicting interests. As such, the legislator has sought, in the name of the general interest, to create a fair internal balance between the main interests present within the system of intellectual property rights. Nevertheless, the exercise of the prerogatives granted by the intellectual property system, carried out by the owner of intellectual property, has caused an important expansion of the interests of this owner, to the detriment of other concurrent interests. This has consequently caused a break in the internal balance of the system, instigated by the legislator. Nonetheless, the general interest can play a key role in restoring balance through the application of external rules to the intellectual property regime. In this perspective, the judge can, by using his creative power of jurisprudence, use the general interest as a guideline to restore balance in the intellectual property system. The general interest justifies thus, as well as the intrinsic limits to intellectual property rights, the extrinsic limits to these rights

[pt] O debate argumentativo na sociedade antecede e renova o espírito vinculante das cartas constitucionais. A busca por uma fundamentação da normatividade dos princípios constitucionais requer, mais do que o peso que se pretende atribuir ao papel da jurisdição constitucional, que se identifique a relevância da deliberação democrática no processo de formação do sentimento constitucional pelos cidadãos da polis, que são, ao mesmo tempo, destinatários e agentes criadores das diretrizes políticas fundamentais. A maior contribuição dos estudos elaborados em torno da democracia deliberativa reside, pois, na percepção da inestimável relevância das relações intersubjetivas entre os membros da comunidade durante o processo político, o conhecimento de suas dificuldades e limites, assim como a verificação de seus méritos. Neste rumo, é oferecido um vasto campo favorável à aproximação entre as teses contrapostas dos liberais e republicanos, tornando possível a coexistência teórica e prática entre a realização efetiva da soberania popular e a proteção dos direitos fundamentais, tendo sempre em vista a supremacia da dignidade humana, como elemento informador e balizador de todas as atividades ínsitas à vida em sociedade. / [en] The argumentative debate inside society antecedes and renews the bonding force of the constitutional charts. The search for a justification of fundamental rights and principles requires, more than the weight that one might wish to attribute to the role of constitutional jurisdiction, that the relevance of democratic deliberation be taken into account in the process of the formation of a constitutional feeling by the people of the polis, which are at the same time addressees and creators of the fundamental political directives. The most important contribution of recent studies concerning deliberative democracy reside, in fact, in the perception of the utmost relevance of the intersubjective relations between all members of the affected community during the political process, the knowledge of its difficulties and limits, as well as the verification of its merits. In this direction, a vast field is offered for the convergence between opposed theories such as those of liberals and republicans, paving the way for the effective application of popular sovereignty and human rights protection, while considering the supremacy of the value of human dignity as the informative and orientative standard of all activities inherent to life in society.

本文主要以探討自由權利在我國憲法上所處之角色、地位及其內容，而從自由觀念的演變，導引出法治國家的基本理論，並配合聯邦憲法的行憲經驗及我國實務運作的情形，來相互檢證以了解自由權真正的保障意義。故在章節安排上，第一章先界定自由權的涵意。第二章則比較東西方與中山先生自由觀的不同。第三章說明分析相關的理論基礎。第四章探究現行憲法的相關規定。第五章則從比較法上了解美國自由權的保障的規定。第六章以我國實務運行的成果為研究對象。第七章則將前述綜合分析，提出一研究發現與建議。總而言之，我國憲法保障自由權的規定相當完備，至於如何落實則仍須再加強，如此保障制度的設計才能有意義。

Le présent mémoire se penche sur la constitutionnalité des articles 517 et 539 C.cr., qui prévoient des ordonnances de non-publication à l'enquête sur mise en liberté provisoire ainsi qu'à l'enquête préliminaire. L'auteur présente d'abord les modalités d'application de chacune de ces ordonnances. Suit ensuite un portrait de la jurisprudence sur la constitutionnalité de ces deux dispositions. L'auteur applique par la suite aux dispositions le test élaboré dans l'arrêt Oakes. Il conclut que l'objectif des dispositions, qui consiste à assurer un procès équitable à l'accusé, est urgent et réel. L'auteur constate ensuite que le critère du lien rationnel n'est pas satisfait puisque, ordonnance ou pas, les informations préjudiciables pour un accusé seront de toute façon dispersées dans le public, notamment grâce aux nouvelles technologies de l'information. À défaut de profiter d'informations fiables retransmises par les médias, le public devra se concentrer sur les rumeurs non vérifiables propagées par le Web. Le critère de l'atteinte minimale est également examiné. L'auteur estime que ni les récusations motivées, ni le changement de venue, ni les directives aux jurés ne sont en mesure de remplacer des ordonnances de non-publication. Enfin, l'auteur estime que les articles 517 et 539 C.cr. échouent le critère de proportionnalité entre les effets préjudiciables et les effets bénéfiques. En conclusion, comme alternative aux interdits de publication, l'auteur propose une réforme du processus de récusations motivées. / This thesis examines the constitutionality of sections 517 et 539 of the Criminal Code, which permits the judge presiding over a bail hearing or a preliminary inquiry to impose a publication ban. The author explains the way these bans are applied. He then reviews the existing case law regarding the constitutionality of these sections of the Criminal Code. In the second part of his thesis, the author applies the Oakes test to both sections. He first deals with the contextual factors to be considered in the analysis. He then examines the objective of the sections, which is to protect the right of the accused to a fair trial. He concludes that this objective is pressing and substantial. On the other hand, the rational connection test is not satisfied, because even with a ban, the prejudicial information will still be transmitted to the public through new technologies such as the Internet. If no information is allowed to be published by the journalists, the public will have to rely solely on rumours and possibly false news circulating on the Web. The minimal impairment test is also examined. Neither challenge for cause, nor change of venue or judicial instructions can replace effectively publication bans. Applying the last part of the Oakes test, the author fails to find that the deleterious effects of publication bans are proportionate to their salutary effects. In conclusion, the author briefly proposes a reform of the challenge for cause process.

Recent attacks on media freedom in South Africa, that includes the ruling ANC party’s proposal for statutory regulation of the press, have seen press self-regulation fiercely contested and the ombudsman of the Press Council of South Africa (PCSA) defending the press’ constitutional right to freedom of expression. Extensive arguments have been made by government, the public and the press for other forms of press regulation, such as statutory and independent co-regulation. In addition no accurate, detailed trends arising from complaints the ombudsman has dealt with in recent years, have been freely available on which arguments in such a debate could be based. This research analyses the complaints dealt with by the press ombudsman in recent years in order to evaluate the present self-regulatory system, which is based primarily on the theories of freedom of expression and social responsibility of the press. The analyses involves determining what trends exist in complaints cases that the ombudsman, Joe Thloloe, has dealt with since he took office in August 2007, until August 2011 when a Review of his office was published by the PCSA. The study takes a qualitative approach, with some degree of quantification, and utilises document analysis and qualitative content analysis as data collection methods to analyse 593 cases, with specific focus on government complaints which form 15% of all cases analysed. The findings reflect that the ombudsman’s approach in dealing with complaints was fair, that he displayed intolerance for transgressions and that his rulings were free of any obvious bias. This is evident in, amongst other findings, the very few appeals lodged against his rulings and even less successful appeals. In addition the press often voluntarily corrected their mistakes before prompted by the ombudsman. The findings also dispel some of the ANC’s criticisms that have led to its calls for statutory press regulation, such as the public and government’s acceptance of the self-regulation system, complaints from government largely having involved accuracy and not privacy as the ANC claimed, and that government’s failure to sign the legal waiver often resulted in cases being dismissed. The findings also point to a significant increase in complaints, specifically from government, in the year 2010, which is the year in which the ANC renewed its calls for statutory regulation. This does not necessarily reflect a sudden decline in the quality of journalism but rather indicates that the ruling party differed fundamentally in its philosophical thinking regarding the press, which was perhaps informed by a developmental model of the press rather than the social responsibility model on which the present system is based. In this sense the government sees it fit to interfere or censor the press if it feels the system is not performing. The findings show the ombudsman’s office lacked proper record-keeping from which accurate statistics could be derived, leaving a gap for criticism against the ombudsman. In addition, most often complaints against newspapers involved accuracy and fairness (such as not asking for comment). As is evident in several complaints falling outside the ombudsman’s mandate and the high number of dismissed cases, the findings also point to a lack of awareness or information of the system and of the ombudsman’s roles. In light of the theoretical frameworks that set out how the self-regulation system, which is entrenched in the notion of press freedom, can enhance the cause of press freedom by its ombudsman enforcing a socially responsible Press Code, the findings ultimately lead to the conclusion that the ombudsman’s work has advanced the cause of press freedom in South Africa during the research period. / Thesis (MA (Communication Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013

Recent attacks on media freedom in South Africa, that includes the ruling ANC party’s proposal for statutory regulation of the press, have seen press self-regulation fiercely contested and the ombudsman of the Press Council of South Africa (PCSA) defending the press’ constitutional right to freedom of expression. Extensive arguments have been made by government, the public and the press for other forms of press regulation, such as statutory and independent co-regulation. In addition no accurate, detailed trends arising from complaints the ombudsman has dealt with in recent years, have been freely available on which arguments in such a debate could be based. This research analyses the complaints dealt with by the press ombudsman in recent years in order to evaluate the present self-regulatory system, which is based primarily on the theories of freedom of expression and social responsibility of the press. The analyses involves determining what trends exist in complaints cases that the ombudsman, Joe Thloloe, has dealt with since he took office in August 2007, until August 2011 when a Review of his office was published by the PCSA. The study takes a qualitative approach, with some degree of quantification, and utilises document analysis and qualitative content analysis as data collection methods to analyse 593 cases, with specific focus on government complaints which form 15% of all cases analysed. The findings reflect that the ombudsman’s approach in dealing with complaints was fair, that he displayed intolerance for transgressions and that his rulings were free of any obvious bias. This is evident in, amongst other findings, the very few appeals lodged against his rulings and even less successful appeals. In addition the press often voluntarily corrected their mistakes before prompted by the ombudsman. The findings also dispel some of the ANC’s criticisms that have led to its calls for statutory press regulation, such as the public and government’s acceptance of the self-regulation system, complaints from government largely having involved accuracy and not privacy as the ANC claimed, and that government’s failure to sign the legal waiver often resulted in cases being dismissed. The findings also point to a significant increase in complaints, specifically from government, in the year 2010, which is the year in which the ANC renewed its calls for statutory regulation. This does not necessarily reflect a sudden decline in the quality of journalism but rather indicates that the ruling party differed fundamentally in its philosophical thinking regarding the press, which was perhaps informed by a developmental model of the press rather than the social responsibility model on which the present system is based. In this sense the government sees it fit to interfere or censor the press if it feels the system is not performing. The findings show the ombudsman’s office lacked proper record-keeping from which accurate statistics could be derived, leaving a gap for criticism against the ombudsman. In addition, most often complaints against newspapers involved accuracy and fairness (such as not asking for comment). As is evident in several complaints falling outside the ombudsman’s mandate and the high number of dismissed cases, the findings also point to a lack of awareness or information of the system and of the ombudsman’s roles. In light of the theoretical frameworks that set out how the self-regulation system, which is entrenched in the notion of press freedom, can enhance the cause of press freedom by its ombudsman enforcing a socially responsible Press Code, the findings ultimately lead to the conclusion that the ombudsman’s work has advanced the cause of press freedom in South Africa during the research period. / Thesis (MA (Communication Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013