One of the realities that developing countries like Nigeria have to face today is that national and international markets have become more and more interconnected through the global platform of telecommunications and the Internet. This global networked economy is creating a paradigm shift in the focus of development goals and strategies particularly for developing countries. Globalisation is driving the nations of the world more into political and economic integration. These integrations are enhanced by a globally interconnected network of economic and communication systems at the apex of which is the Internet. This network of networks thrives on and encourages the expansion of cross-border flows of ideas and information, goods and services, technology and capital. Being an active member of the global network economy is essential to Nigeria’s economic development. It must plug into the network or risk being shut out. The global market network operates by means of rules and standards that are largely set by the dominant players in the network. Data protection is a critical component of the regime of rules and standards that govern the global network economy; it is evolving into an international legal order that transcends geographical boundaries. The EU Directive on data protection is the de facto global standard for data protection; it threatens to exclude non-EU countries without an adequate level of privacy protection from the EU market. More than 50 countries have enacted data protection laws modelled on the EU standard. Access to the huge EU market is a major motivation for the current trend in global harmonisation of domestic data protection laws. This trend provides a compelling reason for examining the issues relating to data protection and trans-border data flows and their implications for Nigeria’s desire to integrate into the global network economy. There are two primary motivations for legislating restrictions on the flow of data across national boundaries. The first is the concern for the privacy of the citizens, and second, securing the economic well-being of a nation. It is important that Nigeria’s privacy protection keeps pace with international norms in the provision of adequate protection for information privacy order to prevent potential impediments to international trading opportunities. / Public, Constitutional, and International / LL. D.

Bibliography: pages 86-93 / In South Africa, freedom of information (FOI) or the right of access to information (ATI) is entrenched in section 32 of the Constitution. Section 32 guarantees every citizen the right of access to any information held by the state or held by any other person that is to be used for the protection or exercise of any right. The Promotion of Access to Information Act (PAIA) is the law that gives effect to section 32 of the Constitution. Regardless of a remarkable trend towards the adoption of FOI laws globally, international trends have shown this does not automatically translate into fulfilment of people’s right to information, as access to information by citizens remains a challenging factor. This study utilised mixed method research through the explanatory sequential design to assess compliance with FOI legislation by public bodies in South Africa with the view to ensure transparency, accountability and good governance. In this regard, the study first conducted a quantitative study by analysing the reports of the South African Human Rights Commission from the reporting years 2006/07 to 2016/07 to assess compliance with sections 14, 17 and 32 of the PAIA. The compliance trends were identified and thereafter a qualitative study was conducted to answer the question why the situation was the way it was. In this regard, interviews were conducted with a purposively chosen sample from complying and non-complying public bodies. The targeted participants were records managers, deputy information officers or officials responsible for PAIA in each chosen public body. The mixing strategy for the current study was at the data analysis, presentation and reporting level. Key results suggest that over the years, there were problems in the implementation of the FOI legislation in South Africa and its use was limited. Where implementation has taken place, it has been partial and inconsistent. The responsibility for implementation of FOI legislation in most public bodies is assigned to legal departments that do not have knowledge of what records are created, where and how they are kept. With regard to compliance, in terms of the degree of comparison, the situation was better in national departments, worse in provincial departments (with full compliance from the Free State, Limpopo, Western Cape and, to some extent, KwaZulu-Natal) and worst in municipalities. The study recommends the establishment of an information governance unit to implement FOI in public bodies. This unit will also be responsible for other information functions such as records management and information technology. Failure to assign responsibility to a relevant unit would perpetuate the non-compliance with FOI legislation in South Africa. As a result, accountability, transparency and good governance preached by the public sector to advance democracy in South Africa would be a mirage. A model for the implementation of PAIA within a public body is suggested. / Information Science / M. Inf.

This thesis evaluates transparency in the context of water utilities’ regulation by comparing legal frameworks in three jurisdictions: Victoria (Australia), England (United Kingdom) and Jakarta (Indonesia). Each of these jurisdictions is selected because of their particular ownership and regulatory model. The thesis analyses whether specific ownership or regulatory models will have implications for transparency. The terms “transparency” and “water utilities’ regulation” are first defined and form the thesis’ analytical framework. This is then applied against the three jurisdictions compared. By evaluating each of the three jurisdictions, the thesis expects to provide explanation on how transparency is enabled or inhibited by the legal frameworks. The thesis recommends a solution by comparing the three jurisdictions and generating “lessons learned”.

近年來，國際間政府推動資訊公開蔚為風潮，伴隨著資訊通信科技的發展，電子化政府和政府網站更普遍被各界視為一個低成本且高效率的透明化途徑。台灣的政府網站長期受到國際間高度評價，在發展中國家更是名列前茅。然而，既有的研究與調查大多數僅片面側重於政府供給面的探究，通常以化約且可標準化的指標來評鑑特定政府網站的介面資訊功能。相形之下，鮮少有關注民眾的需求認知、機關政策執行以及網站內容評估等較全面的研究成果供參。因而無法更深入地釐清政府網站、法制和政策執行績效不彰等困境與透明化治理之間的關聯。 在委託代理理論的運用之下，本研究兼顧政府治理中委託方民眾的認知以及代理方政府機關的經驗與成效。目的在於釐清網站資訊公開供給和需求的現況與問題，並更具體地檢證政府網站資訊公開對機關施政資訊揭露、績效衡量和政府課責的影響。爰此，研究者參與多項網站資訊公開相關研究，以蒐集多元化次級資料，包括：量化的網路民眾問卷調查，各級機關的跨年度問卷調查，機關網站內容評估比較，以及質性的個別訪談、焦點團體座談。藉由理論聚焦與多重研究方法的交叉檢證分析，以達研究綜效。 研究結果分為網站資訊公開對政府施政資訊揭露，施政績效衡量，以及政府課責的影響三個部分來討論。首先，相較於法制，網站資訊公開更有助於揭露政府施政資訊，特別是網站資訊公開實施過程可呈現出政府治理內、外部的多重代理關係及代理問題，甚至可緩和部分的代理問題。其次，網站資訊公開可具體地呈現並衡量施政績效，以因應傳統官僚體系內各層代理績效難以衡量的困境。但囿於目前整體制度缺乏績效誘因設計，而限制了此效益。最後，因整體資訊公開績效制度的匱乏，也使得網站資訊公開對政府課責的效益備受限制。 整體而言，本研究揭示了代理理論應用於政府治理的價值，並檢證政府資訊公開、績效和課責等三項治理要件的關聯。研究成果可彌補實務與研究的落差，並對相關文獻做出貢獻。 / In recent years, governments from around the world have adopted Freedom of Information Act to increase transparency in their governance. With advancements in information and communication technologies (ICTs), e-Government has been seen as a cost-effective and possible mean to promote openness and transparency. Taiwan’s efforts to develop e-Government services have been well-recognized; especially, have made remarkable advantages among developing countries. Nevertheless, most of the existing researches in evaluating e-Government service are based on supply-side indicators and often assess websites alone; as yet, little information is available on the demand aspect of e-Government. The paper aims to explore the potential and practice of government website information disclosure in terms of the perspective of end user and government agencies. The results show the significance of three aspects in information disclosure of Taiwanese government websites through the application of quantitative and qualitative methodology, including self-administered questionnaire, website evaluation, individual interview, and focus group interview. First, government website information disclosure benefits the revelation of government information, manifestation of multi-agent relationships in internal and external governance of government, and alleviation of partial ageny problems. Second, government website information disclosure enhances revealing and measuring the performance of government agencies; nevertheless, in which the effectiveness is limited due to the absence of institutional incentives. Third, under the circumstances of unsound institution, the effectiveness of accountability has difficulties to be thoroughly realized through government website information disclosure. In sum, the finding contributes to a valuable reference for other countries in implementing information transparency of e-Government, and has significant implications for policy makers, government agencies, and system designers.

Worldwide, the remarkable diffusion of transparency and access to information laws poses a monumental challenge to the state’s most enduringly undemocratic feature— excessive secrecy. Will recent laws lead to an effective surrender of secrecy? The incipient literature on transparency reform says little about the strength of current legislation or how strong laws emerge. This dissertation addresses these theoretical and empirical gaps. First, it articulates a theory on the political determinants of strong access to information laws. Second, employing an original evaluation, it scores the strength of twelve access to information laws advanced throughout Latin America between 2002 and 2010. Two extreme outcomes are examined in detail: a failed comprehensive reform in Argentina (1999-2005), which resulted in a limited presidential decree (2003), and the adoption of a seminal law in Mexico (2002). These cases are then compared with others across Latin America with special attention placed on Brazil, Chile, Guatemala, and Uruguay. I find considerable variance in the strength of the region’s laws: the average score is “moderately strong,” while the median and mode scores are “moderately weak.” Evidence shows that while civic coalitions and external pressure often help drive reform, they cannot explain observed variation in legal strength. Rather, I find that laws emerge more robust and earlier-on within the electoral cycle (within the first half of a president’s term of office), in countries where 1) presidents lack control over the legislature and 2) news media coverage of access to information laws is strong. By contrast, where news media coverage is weak and presidents possess strong negative agenda setting powers (partisan majorities or constitutional means of denying a vote), I find that laws tend to emerge later-on during the electoral cycle (within the last third), and are considerably weaker. I also find that press advocacy for access to information laws tended to be greater in countries where presidents were weaker and news media ownership concentration was low. The dissertation addresses key institutional preconditions for good governance and transparency reform. More specifically, it speaks to the determinants and power of the news media as an agent of democratic advancement (and stagnation), and the importance of weak leaders and partisan competition in promoting good governance reform. / text

Anthony Downs public choice theory proposes that every rational person would try to meet their own desires in preference to those of others, and that such rational persons would attempt to obtain these desires in the most efficient manner possible. This thesis submits that the application of this theory would mean that public servants and politicians would perform acts of corruption and maladministration in order to efficiently meet their desires. As such action is unavoidable, political parties must appear to meet the public demand for accountability systems, but must not make these systems viable lest they expose the corruption and maladministration that would threaten the government’s chance or re-election. The thesis demonstrates this hypothesis through a study of the history of the public sector in Queensland. It shows that all governments have displayed a commitment for accountability whilst simultaneously ensuring the systems would not be able to interfere with government control or expose its flaws.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Govemment and the media are in the process of establishing South Africa's first Presidential Press Corps (PPC) based on the White House Press Corps in the United States of America. The need for a body like the Presidential Press Corps (PPC) has become increasingly evident as the recent relationship between the South African president and this country's press can only be characterised as poor. The establishment of the PPC potentially presents an ethical dilemma though due to various factors. A joumalist can only serve the public with the most comprehensive and accurate news when his or her finger is on the pulse of events that take place within the decision-making bodies. However, being so close to those in power may seriously threaten journalistic independence. This dilemma would be discussed in detail in this assignment. In May 200 I, the troubled relationship between Mbeki and the media was tackled at an Indaba between the South African National Editor's Forum (SANEF) and cabinet at Sun City. The crux and outcome of these discussions are set forth in The lf/oy Fo/wOld, a report prepared by those attending the Indaba. The establishment of the PPC is one of eight joint government and media initiatives outlined in this report. Although there is overwhelming support for the Pl'C, there is concern that the Pl'C members would be censored, manipulated and controlled by government as a result of their proximity. The Freedom of Expression Institute (FXI) believes the implications are far reaching and pose a serious threat to a free press. This first group of Pl'C journalists is going where no other has gone before in this country's history. They are however facing a daunting task, as the arena they are entering is fraught with novelties, challenges, obstacles and temptations. This assignment will examine the media's role in a democracy, the challenges of far closer cooperation between the media and government, the ethical dilemma potentially presented by the Pl'C as well as ways to ensure as far as possible, an ethical and professional relationship between government and the corps's members. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die regenng en die media is in die proses om Suid-Afrika se eerste Presidensiele Perskorps (PPK) te stig. Die konsep is geskoei op die van die Wit Huis Perskorps in die Verenigde State van Amerika. 'n Dringende behoefte bestaan in Suid-Afrika aan 'n liggaam soos die PPK aangesien dit duidelik geword het dat die verhouding tussen die president en die media nie na wense is nie. Die stigting van die PPK kan egter weens verskeie faktore eties-problematies wees. Joernaliste kan die publiek slegs voorsien van akkurate nuus indien hulle vingers op die polsslag van gebeure binne die land se besluitnemende liggame is. Joernalistieke onafhanklikheid kan egter in gedrang kom indien die verhouding tussen die "waghond" en die regering te intiem raak. Die PPK-Iede sal na verwagting weens gereelde kontak 'n veel hegter verhouding met die president he as wat die geval is met ander joemaliste. Die vertroebelde verhouding tussen die media en president Thabo Mbeki is in Mei 200 1 bespreek tydens 'n lndaba by Sun City. Een van die inisiatiewe waarop daar ooreengekom is in 'n poging om die probleme aan te pak, is die stigting van die PPK. Die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Redakteursforum en die regering hoop dat die korps sal bydra tot 'n vryer vloei van inligting asook tot 'n beter verstandbouding tussen die regering en die media. Hoewel daar oorweldigende steun is vir die PPK, is daar ook vrese dat die korps se lede gemanupileer en beheer sal word deur die kabinet.Die eerste groep PPK-lede gaan baanbrekerswerk verrig, maar die pad voor hulle is onbekend en vol potensiele gevare. Die uitdagings, slaggate sowel as maniere hoe etiese probleme oorkom kan word, word in hierdie werkstuk bespreek.

Submitted by Rodrigo Mendes (rbmendes@gmail.com) on 2014-05-14T13:38:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Mendes-Dissertação-versão final.pdf: 1102357 bytes, checksum: b709e9aac5cbb93070fad894889bb105 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2014-05-15T17:09:12Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Mendes-Dissertação-versão final.pdf: 1102357 bytes, checksum: b709e9aac5cbb93070fad894889bb105 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2014-05-26T19:29:11Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Mendes-Dissertação-versão final.pdf: 1102357 bytes, checksum: b709e9aac5cbb93070fad894889bb105 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-05-26T19:29:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Mendes-Dissertação-versão final.pdf: 1102357 bytes, checksum: b709e9aac5cbb93070fad894889bb105 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-28 / The approval of Brazil’s freedom of information law (12.527) in 2011 affirms transparency as a rule and secrecy as the exception for all levels of the Brazilian public administration. Subsequent to the law taking effect, the public administration had 180 days to implement the law, until May 2012. Since that time, the challenge has been to transform this instrument into a means of sustaining a more open and responsive government. In this sense, the law has had important repercussions on the public administration, giving rise to new procedures and institutional designs to address the law’s scope and ambition. This work is an explorative analysis of the law’s implications during its first year and a half of operation for Brazil’s regulatory agencies in general and the National Agency of Petroleum, Natural Gas and Biofuels (ANP) in particular. / A publicação da Lei 12.527 em 2011, a Lei de Acesso à Informação, cuja vigência se deu a partir de maio de 2012, uma vez que o texto previa 180 dias para implementação, veio ratificar a instituição da transparência como regra e do sigilo como exceção para todos os níveis e esferas da administração pública brasileira. A entrada em vigor da lei colocou o desafio de transformá-la em instrumento efetivo de apoio a um governo mais aberto e responsivo. Assim, a Lei teve repercussões importantes nas repartições públicas, quanto a novos procedimentos e desenhos institucionais para dar conta de sua amplitude e ambição. Este trabalho realiza uma análise explorativa desses desdobramentos para o primeiro ano e meio de aplicação, tanto do ponto de vista quantitativo quanto qualitativo, para a práxis cotidiana nas Agências Reguladoras Federais e na Agência Nacional do Petróleo, Gás Natural e Biocombustíveis, em particular.

Made available in DSpace on 2010-04-20T20:53:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 3 127608.pdf.jpg: 19208 bytes, checksum: b22afa68c9e28bfaa2949af0c45b4c06 (MD5) 127608.pdf: 585364 bytes, checksum: 211335ea8322357922ff425cca29af52 (MD5) 127608.pdf.txt: 317472 bytes, checksum: 2a91df5257eec24dcf05db72f4a737c4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2004-11-11T00:00:00Z / The main purpose of this work is to analyze the influence of the electronic government for democracy. This issue allows different approaches and this work focuses on the evaluation of administrative transparency and availability of public information in governmental websites. The empirical analysis evaluated the public rendering of accounts of all the Brazilian state capitals, in fulfillment to the federal laws of Contas Públicas (Appropriations Act) and Responsabilidade Fiscal (Fiscal Responsibility Act). For this, a method of evaluation of governmental websites was created, allowing the analysis of the main indicators concerning administrative transparency. The results of this research suggested the main components for transparency, which allow us to relate them to what it is reported in the literature on the subject. As a final result, it is intended to contribute for the understanding of one of the basic components of the representative democracy: the transparency of the public acts, collaborating to increase the knowledge on the possible impacts of the electronic government in the modern society. / O objetivo principal deste trabalho é estudar a influência do governo eletrônico na democracia. Por ser um tema que permite diversas abordagens, escolheu-se focar o estudo na avaliação da transparência administrativa e disponibilidade de informações públicas em websites governamentais. A análise empírica avaliou a prestação de contas públicas de todas as capitais estaduais brasileiras, em cumprimento às leis federais de Contas Públicas e de Responsabilidade Fiscal. Para isso, criou-se um roteiro de avaliação de websites governamentais que permitisse a avaliação dos principais indicadores relacionados à transparência administrativa. Os resultados obtidos da pesquisa apresentam evidências dos principais condicionantes da transparência, permitindo relacioná-los com as indicações da literatura sobre o tema. Como resultado final, pretende-se contribuir para a maior compreensão de um dos componentes fundamentais da democracia representativa: a transparência dos atos públicos, colaborando para ampliar o conhecimento sobre os possíveis impactos do governo eletrônico na sociedade moderna.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:27:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ClaudomiroBOJ.pdf: 1129988 bytes, checksum: 8f385c74c4cf27fb8609416e9bdcb6e6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-11-20 / This dissertation focus, as main objective, to address the issue of fundamental rights and political freedoms of the individuals, guaranteed by the Constitution of 1988, with emphasis of study in the constitutional guarantee of freedom of speech, as well as in national related constitutional law institutions and its derivatives, and the connection with the historical and political affirmation of fundamental human rights and its importance for the construction, maintenance and consolidation of constitutional democracy in the Federative Republic of Brazil. This paper mainly deals with aspects of juspostive nature, focused mainly within its doctrinal aspect, making, for such, references both to the patrian doctrine and the foreign one, without forgetting the necessary jurisprudencial focus and analysis of the positive patrian planning with references to comparative law, in order to describe and analyze the emergence, evolution and dissemination of the institute, both in the major countries of the Western World and along the Brazilian constitutional history. / A presente disserta??o tem como objetivo principal, abordar a tem?tica dos direitos fundamentais e das liberdades pol?ticas da pessoa humana garantidos pela Constitui??o Federal de 1988, com ?nfase do estudo na garantia constitucional da liberdade de express?o, bem como nos institutos de direito constitucional correlatos e derivados do mesmo e a liga??o destes com a afirma??o hist?rica e pol?tica dos direitos humanos fundamentais e da sua import?ncia para a constru??o, manuten??o e consolida??o da democracia constitucional dentro da Rep?blica Federativa do Brasil. Este trabalho aborda principalmente os aspectos de natureza juspositiva, com foco principalmente no seu ?mbito doutrin?rio, fazendo para tanto remiss?es tanto ? doutrina p?tria quanto a estrangeira, sem deixar de lado o necess?rio enfoque jurisprudencial e a an?lise do ordenamento positivo p?trio com refer?ncias ao direito comparado, com o objetivo de descrever e analisar o surgimento, a evolu??o e a difus?o do instituto, tanto nos principais pa?ses do Mundo Ocidental, como ao longo da hist?ria constitucional brasileira.