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The present study investigated hypothesized links between subjects' perceptions of their own physical appearance and other aspects of psychosocial functioning (e.g., general anxiety, social acceptance, athletic competence, and global self-worth) as rated by self, peers, and counselors. In addition, the study attempted to isolate the age at which young females first experience a decline in perceptions of their own physical appearance. To investigate these relationships, 554 females (ages 7-18) attending a summer camp completed the Self-Perception Profile for Children (Harter, 1985) or the Self-Perception Profile for Adolescents (Harter, 1988), a sociometric friendship rating scale, and the Revised Manifest Children's Anxiety Scale (Reynolds and Richmond, 1978). In addition, camp counselors completed the Teacher's Behavior Rating Scale (Harter, 1985, 1988) for each subject. Results indicated that 45% of the variance in the subjects' ratings of their own physical appearance was accounted for by age, ratings of global self-worth, anxiety, social acceptance as rated by the subjects, and athletic competence as rated by the counselors. The first significant decrease in body image occurred between the ages of 12 and 13. Although there are several limitations with respect to cross-sectional designs, it may still be useful to conceptualize the possible psychosocial changes that occur during adolescence within a developmental-contextual model. This study does not purport to demonstrate bidirectional interactions and does not allow for a definitive interpretation of the results with respect to developmental patterns; however, the developmental-contextual model is suggested as a possible framework for understanding the development of body image, and is in need of further comprehensive investigation. In addition to past research, this study may contribute to speculation about when intervention programs may be useful in order to prevent the development of related psychological disorders. / Master of Science

Working class Black girls experience multilayered oppression informed by their triadic social identity that sits at the intersection of race, gender, and class in their lives and more specifically in their schooling experiences (Collins, 1986, 1989; Onyeka-Crawford, Patrick, & Chaudry, 2017). A variety of mentoring practices have been adopted among educators throughout the public-school system to remedy the impact of poor educational opportunities for Black girls. In contrast to the use of traditional mentorship practices that solely focus on the individual, critical mentorship seeks to engage and support the cultural, political, and economic contexts that positively shape the experiences and aspirations of Black girls and young women. To better understand this phenomenon, this deeply insightful autoethnographic study engages the following questions: (a) What were my particular experiences with mentors that prepared me to persevere in education in ways that nourished my commitment and empowerment? (b) What were the particular experiences with my mentors that assisted me in connecting with the Black girls that I have mentored in my work? and (c) What can my experiences as a Black feminist mentor of Black girls contribute to our understanding of critical mentoring? The application of Black feminism, Black girlhood studies, and critical mentoring frameworks found the following major themes to be critical in mentoring Black girls during childhood, adolescence, and the university years: (a) individual identity development, (b) development of individual voice, (c) sisterhood and solidarity, and (d) conscientization and resistance. This dissertation offers key principles in mentoring Black girls, and recommendations for how to shift the larger approach of mentoring to better meet the needs of Black girls in childhood, adolescence, university years, and beyond.

The purpose of this study was to make an analysis of the program of health, physical education, and recreation for girls in the Gainesville High School, Gainesville, Texas. The aim was to develop a program that will function in the lives of the pupils. In order to provide a basis for the improvement of the existing program, an effort was made to evaluate the program for the purpose of improving the health of the pupils and the quality of the services rendered by the school in the areas of health, physical education, and recreation. Finally, the program was evaluated in the light of certain criteria that were set up as guiding principles.

The investigator had the following purposes in undertaking the present study: 1. To determine the accuracy of the Brace Basketball Achievement Test in measuring a girl's real playing ability. 2. To determine to what extent the Brace Basketball Achievement Test can be relied upon to rank the players of a girls Interscholastic League basketball squad. 3. To determine to what extent the Brace Basketball Achievement Test can be relied upon to rank girls basketball squads in an Interscholastic League district. 4. To determine the degree to which the Brace Basketball Test can be relied upon as an aid for the selection of players for a high school girls basketball squad.

The purpose of the present study is to determine whether or not the metropolitan Negro girl's concerns and attitudes are factors in her interest in curriculum items of money management. The concerns and attitudes include authoritarian discipline, family tensions, resentment to family life style, financial troubles, family problems, self inadequacy, personal adjustment, and resentment to dependency.

Summaries in English and Shona / Introduction Despite wide spread information and knowledge of HIV and AIDS transmission, High school teenage girls continued to engage in risky sexual behaviour in Tshwane, a District of Gauteng Province of South Africa. Age-parity relationships between High school teenage girls and older men known as “Sugar Daddies” or “Blessers”, who showered High school teenage girls with money and expensive gifts, were believed to be spreading HIV. High school teenage girls failed to negotiate condom use due to lack of autonomy, coupled with sexual violence, resulting in HIV transmission. Consequently, Tshwane became one of the highest HIV burdened cities in South Africa. Purpose of the study This study explored and described the High school teenage girls’ knowledge and perceptions of the risks of human immunodeficiency virus and acquired immune deficiency syndrome in Tshwane, a District of Gauteng Province of South Africa. Method The study used a quantitative approach. The data were collected using questionnaires. The population comprised of all girls aged 15 to 19 at a selected High school. The sample consisted of 109 girls. Systematic sampling was used. The study was conducted in the school hall of a selected High school. Data were analysed using SPSS version 23 program. Results Generally, the High school teenage girls’ HIV knowledge was very high (84.4%) as compared to their knowledge on AIDS (3.7%). Only 10.1% of the High school teenage girls knew what the window period entailed. They were aware of HIV preventive measures evidenced by abstinence ranking first (1) and had the highest score of five (5). 17.4% of the High school teenage girls doubted the usefulness of the condom in combating HIV infection. Health care workers were easily accessible (30.3%). The television was the most available mass media (92%). The radio was most preferred (31%). High school teenage girls preferred to discuss HIV related information with their peers and friends (50%). 42% of the High school teenage girls preferred to discuss sex related topics with parents or guardians. Those who were below 18-years were 7.2 times less likely to have sex. 90% of the 19-year-old girls had had sex. Therefore, High school teenage girls’ perception of HIV risk was low because they continued to be involved in concurrent multiple relationships although 90% of those involved were using condoms. Conclusion Although High school teenage girls proved that they had knowledge of HIV and AIDS, they still had a low perception of HIV risk because they were involved in concurrent multiple sexual relationships with older men. / Habedi, Debbie Kgomotso / Kunyangwe vane ruzivo rwechirwere cheshura matongo, vasikana vane makore ari pakati pegumi nematatu negumi nemapfumbamwe vari kuenderera mberi nekuita unhu unoita kuti vabatwe nechirwere cheshuramatongo (AIDS). Vasikana ava vari kudanana nevarume vakuru kuvadarika vamwe masadzimba zvinoita kuti vatapurirwe utachiona hweHIV zvinoita kuti vasikana vane hutachiona uhwu vawandise muguta reTshwane, mudunhu reGauteng munyika yeSouth Africa. Vanasikana ava vanopuwa mari nekutengerwa mbozhanhre nenguvo zvinodhura nekudya tunonaka. Nekuda kwekuti varume vanesimba rehudzvinyiriri nekuvarwisa, muAfrica, vasikana ava havakwanisi kushandisa makondomu kuzvidzivirira kubva kuhutachiona hweHIV. Ndosaka guta reTshwane raita mukurumbira munyika yeSouth Africa nekuti vanasikana vane hutachiona hweHIV vari kuwandisa. Gwaro iri rinoongorora nekutsanangura ruzivo uye maonero evanasikana huipi hwechirwe cheshuramatongo muguta guru reTShwane, mudunhu reGauteng. Munyika yeSouth Africa. Mafambiro Egwaro Gwaro iri riri kuongorora nekutsanangura ruzivo nemaonerwo anoitwa hutachiona hweHIV nechirwere cheshuramatongo nevasikana vari pakati pemakore gumi nemakore matatu nevanegumi nemakore mapfumbamwe pachikoro chesekonari chakasarudzwa mugutu guru reTshwane, mudunhu reGauteng, munyika yeSouth Africa. Vasikana vaka pindura mibvunzo pamusoro peruzivo rwavaiva narwo uye zvakanyangara zvinoita kuti vabatwe nehutachiona hweHIV. Vasikana zana nevapfumbamwe ndivo vakapindura mibvunzo. Vasikana vakapindura mibvunza yaiva pamapepa muhoro yepachikoro pavo. Zvakabuda Muchidzidzo Zvakaonekwa kuti vasikana vane ruzivo rwechirwere cheshuramatongo asi vane zvimwe zvinhu zvavasinga nzwisisi pamusoro pechirwere ichi zvekuzvidzivirira. Vasikana havakwanisi kupa mutsauko wehutachiona (HIV) nechirwere cheshuramatongo (AIDS). Vanasikana vazhinji vanofunga kuti hutachiona hweHIV hunotapurirwana pakutsvodana uye pakushandisa zvimbuzi. Vasikana vazhinji havakwanisi kutsanangura nguva inogara hutachina hweHIV mumuviri hwusati hwaonekwa kuti hurimo. Vasikana havana chokwadi chekuti makondomu anogona kudzivirira hutachiona hweHIV kuti hwusapinda mumuviri nguva dzebonde. Vadzidzisi vechikoro ndivo vakasarudzwa kuti vane ruzivo rwechirwere cheshuramatongo. Vasikana havafariri kudzidziswa nezve chirwere cheshuramatongo nevabereki vavo. Vanofarira kukurukura nezvechirwere ichi nevanhu vezera ravo. Vasikana vasingagari nevabereki vavo vanoita bonde kudarika vanogara nevabereki vavo uye vanoita bonde nevadiwa vazhinji vamwe vacho varume vakuru madzisaimba. Vasikana vanotaridza kusatya kubatwa nechirwere chishuramatongo nemhaka yehunhu wawo hwakashata hweku danana nevarume vazhinji uye kusashandisa makondomu nguva dzebonde. Mhendero Zvidzidzo zvinopiwa vasikana zvinechekuita nezvepabonde zvinofanira kuongororwa zvipamhidzirwe kuti vasikana vagone kuzvidzivirira kuchirwere cheshuramatongo. Madzimudzangara netelevhizhoni zvino kurudzirwa kudzidzisa mitambo nedzimbo dzinodzidzisa pamusoro pekudzivirira chirwere cheshuramatongo. Vabereki vanofanira kudzidziswawo kuti vagone kudzidzisa vana vavo kuti vagone kuzvidzivirira kuti vasabatwa nechirwere ichi. Vanasikana vanofanirwa kudzidziswa kushandisa makondomu pese pavanoita bonde. Makondomu anofanira kuiswa pachena paano kwanisa kuwonekwa nevasikana. / Health Studies / M.P.H. (Health Studies)

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This study focuses on a girl-centered, anti-racist, feminist PAR program with Indigenous and racialized girls in Victoria, a smaller, predominantly white city in British Columbia, Canada. As a partnership among antidote: Multiracial and Indigenous Girls and Women’s Network, and an interdisciplinary team of academic researchers who are also members of antidote, this project defies typical insider-outsider dynamics. In this thesis, I intend to speak back to mainstream Youth Participatory Action Research (YPAR) literature, contesting the notion that this methodology provides an easy escape from the research engine and underlying colonial formations. Practices of YPAR are continuously (re)colonized, producing new forms of colonialism and imperialism. Our process can be described as an ongoing rhythm of disruptions and recolonizations that are not simple opposites, but are mutually reliant and constitutive within neocolonial formations. In other words, our practice involved creatively disrupting new forms of colonialism and imperialism as they emerged, while recognizing that our responses were not outside of these formations. I seek to make our roles as researchers visible, rather than hidden by hegemonic equalizing claims of PAR, and will explore some of the ways that white noise infiltrated our ongoing efforts of decolonizing YPAR practices. / Graduate

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