<p>Avhandlingen, som undersökt Elin Wägners skönlitterära författarskap och journalistik under 1920-talet, visar att det är då hon stiger fram som en internationell rörelseintellektuell. Då formulerar hon sina åsikter om hur världen bör styras och hur kvinnor och män skall agera för att nå jämställdhet och fred, frågor som kom att stå i fokus för hennes liv och fortsatta författarskap. Det är med hjälp av internationell forskning och litteratur som Wägner blottlägger förhållandena i Sverige och påverkar den svenska debatten.Som introduktör av tänkare som Rosa Mayreder, Mathilde Vaerting och Mary Parker Follett kunde hon avslöja det korstryck som svenska kvinnor var utsatta för och samtidigt presentera ett eget koncet om en möjlig framtid för kvinnor och män. I avhandlingen har den första mer systematska analysen av Wägners insatser i veckotidningen Tidevarvet under åren 1923-1930 genomförts. Här framträder Wägner i många skepnader som kåsör, ledarskribent, recensent och utrikeskorrespondent men alltid med syftet att påverka läsaren i viss riktning. Med sina tre K:teman: kvinnan, kärleken och kriget speglar hon verkligheten utifrån två perspektiv, ett kortsiktigt pessimistiskt och ett längre optimmistiskt perspektiv.Det är i Tidevarvet som hon presenterar sin radikalpacifism och visarsitt starka beroende och inflytande av Gandhi och hans icke-våldsaktivism.Avhandlingens andra del behandlar Wägners 1920-talsromaner, vilka ofta benämnts som smålandsromaner men som i avhandlingen räknas som utvecklingsromaner om den medelålders kvinnans rätt till livsutrymme och sexualitet. Istället för att betrakta protagonisterna som offer, vilket ofta skett i tidigare forskning, visar avhandlingen att de istället agerar som visionära feminister med starka personligheter och tydliga livsmål. Det ärockså under tjugotalet som Wägner bekänner sig som kristen och närmar sig kväkarna, men engagerar sig även i den svenska kyrkan. Hon granskar prästernas dubbelmoral och förljugna inställning till äktenskap och skilsmässa både i sina romaner och i Tidevarvet. Dock är hon mest kritisk till att kyrkan inte på allvar driver fredens sak.Wägner är inte bara radikal i sin tid utan såg även vilka idéer och personer som tillhörde framtiden och framstår därför som både tidstypisk och tidlös.</p> / <p>Elin Wägner and her literary activities in the 1920s have not been a main interest for literary research. Instead, her writings from earlier or later decades are studied at length. Nevertheless, my dissertation indicates that it was during this decade several of her important projects in life and literature took place. The main purpose of the study is to present Wägner’s influence in the Swedish debate in a number of issues as feminism, pacifism and internationalism.</p><p>My point of departure is Wägners journalistic authorship in the radical weekly <i>Tidevarvet</i> (1923-1930) and her novels <i>Den Namnlösa</i> (1922), <i>Silverforsen</i> (1924), <i>Natten till söndag</i> (1926), <i>Svalorna flyga högt</i> (1929) and <i>Från Seine, Rhen och Ruhr</i> (1923), a collection of short stories. Using the concept <i>movement intellectual</i>, which has been further developed in the dissertation, the study indicates that Wägner, mostly with ideas and results from abroad, managed to influence both her organizations, their members and the general public. Her methods were three: writing, speaking and mobilization, and the arena was her fiction, her journalism and her networks. The intentions were much the same in all her activities.</p><p>Wägner’s international work for peace in the war-torn Europe during the first part of the decade changed her and her outlook on war and peace. She became a radical pacifist and negotiated on behalf of organizations as the Quakers, the Red Cross and WILP, Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom. Her devotion for peace is specially evident in <i>Tidevarvet</i>, the political weekly founded by FKR, Frisinnade Kvinnors Riksförbund, in 1923, where Wägner was active both as a writer and an editor. Here the influence from Gandhi and the Quakers is prominent, and Wägner tries all her life to introduce Gandhi to the Swedish public. </p><p>In the 1920s Elin Wägner also started her studies of matriarcy and her research of women’s history where the influence from international feminists as Rosa Mayreder, Mathilde Varting and Mary Parker Follett gave her arguments to strengthen women’s position and confidence both as women and as political citizens. At Fogelstad and Kvinnliga Medborgarskolan, Wägner, together with the other members in the Fogelstad Group, were active educating women for their new citizenship. As members in FKR also worked to get seats in the Parliament, but failed. My study shows why.</p>

Avhandlingen, som undersökt Elin Wägners skönlitterära författarskap och journalistik under 1920-talet, visar att det är då hon stiger fram som en internationell rörelseintellektuell. Då formulerar hon sina åsikter om hur världen bör styras och hur kvinnor och män skall agera för att nå jämställdhet och fred, frågor som kom att stå i fokus för hennes liv och fortsatta författarskap. Det är med hjälp av internationell forskning och litteratur som Wägner blottlägger förhållandena i Sverige och påverkar den svenska debatten.Som introduktör av tänkare som Rosa Mayreder, Mathilde Vaerting och Mary Parker Follett kunde hon avslöja det korstryck som svenska kvinnor var utsatta för och samtidigt presentera ett eget koncet om en möjlig framtid för kvinnor och män. I avhandlingen har den första mer systematska analysen av Wägners insatser i veckotidningen Tidevarvet under åren 1923-1930 genomförts. Här framträder Wägner i många skepnader som kåsör, ledarskribent, recensent och utrikeskorrespondent men alltid med syftet att påverka läsaren i viss riktning. Med sina tre K:teman: kvinnan, kärleken och kriget speglar hon verkligheten utifrån två perspektiv, ett kortsiktigt pessimistiskt och ett längre optimmistiskt perspektiv.Det är i Tidevarvet som hon presenterar sin radikalpacifism och visarsitt starka beroende och inflytande av Gandhi och hans icke-våldsaktivism.Avhandlingens andra del behandlar Wägners 1920-talsromaner, vilka ofta benämnts som smålandsromaner men som i avhandlingen räknas som utvecklingsromaner om den medelålders kvinnans rätt till livsutrymme och sexualitet. Istället för att betrakta protagonisterna som offer, vilket ofta skett i tidigare forskning, visar avhandlingen att de istället agerar som visionära feminister med starka personligheter och tydliga livsmål. Det ärockså under tjugotalet som Wägner bekänner sig som kristen och närmar sig kväkarna, men engagerar sig även i den svenska kyrkan. Hon granskar prästernas dubbelmoral och förljugna inställning till äktenskap och skilsmässa både i sina romaner och i Tidevarvet. Dock är hon mest kritisk till att kyrkan inte på allvar driver fredens sak.Wägner är inte bara radikal i sin tid utan såg även vilka idéer och personer som tillhörde framtiden och framstår därför som både tidstypisk och tidlös. / Elin Wägner and her literary activities in the 1920s have not been a main interest for literary research. Instead, her writings from earlier or later decades are studied at length. Nevertheless, my dissertation indicates that it was during this decade several of her important projects in life and literature took place. The main purpose of the study is to present Wägner’s influence in the Swedish debate in a number of issues as feminism, pacifism and internationalism. My point of departure is Wägners journalistic authorship in the radical weekly Tidevarvet (1923-1930) and her novels Den Namnlösa (1922), Silverforsen (1924), Natten till söndag (1926), Svalorna flyga högt (1929) and Från Seine, Rhen och Ruhr (1923), a collection of short stories. Using the concept movement intellectual, which has been further developed in the dissertation, the study indicates that Wägner, mostly with ideas and results from abroad, managed to influence both her organizations, their members and the general public. Her methods were three: writing, speaking and mobilization, and the arena was her fiction, her journalism and her networks. The intentions were much the same in all her activities. Wägner’s international work for peace in the war-torn Europe during the first part of the decade changed her and her outlook on war and peace. She became a radical pacifist and negotiated on behalf of organizations as the Quakers, the Red Cross and WILP, Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom. Her devotion for peace is specially evident in Tidevarvet, the political weekly founded by FKR, Frisinnade Kvinnors Riksförbund, in 1923, where Wägner was active both as a writer and an editor. Here the influence from Gandhi and the Quakers is prominent, and Wägner tries all her life to introduce Gandhi to the Swedish public. In the 1920s Elin Wägner also started her studies of matriarcy and her research of women’s history where the influence from international feminists as Rosa Mayreder, Mathilde Varting and Mary Parker Follett gave her arguments to strengthen women’s position and confidence both as women and as political citizens. At Fogelstad and Kvinnliga Medborgarskolan, Wägner, together with the other members in the Fogelstad Group, were active educating women for their new citizenship. As members in FKR also worked to get seats in the Parliament, but failed. My study shows why.

This paper explores the rhetoric and actions of Margaret Thatcher, Golda Meir, and Indira Gandhi regarding feminism and their gender before they became prime minister. The paper finds that none of the leaders identified as feminists, and did not actively focus on women’s issues or elevate the status of women while in office. Yet, all of these leaders called for women to mobilize and pursue careers, either via their actions or speeches. Thatcher, particularly in the crucial period in which she rose to power, explicitly encouraged women to mobilize as voters and pursue work outside the home in her formal speeches, public statements, letters and interviews. Through their organized activities before they obtained office, Meir and Gandhi worked to mobilize women politically, although their rhetoric did not explicitly encourage women over men to participate politically. The paper explores nuanced ways that each leader associated with her gender and preached for other women to pursue careers. Looking ahead at one case study shows that women now are not necessarily averse to explicitly associating with their gender. Tzipi Livni, the candidate for the Kadima Party in the 2009 Israeli election, used her gender as a campaign tactic. Hopefully this paper helps lay the groundwork for future study on women candidate’s rhetoric and actions regarding feminism before they are elected.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of History, August 2001. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2003. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references. Available also from UMI Company.

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Durban-Westville, 1991.

India is celebrated as the largest democracy in the world but is it truly democratic? Is it the nation-state that its founder’s envisioned it to be? Has it addressed it ancient issue of social diversity? This paper seeks to assess the present problem faced by the Indian Democracy; problems based on India’s inherent social diversity. Furthermore the paper seeks to recommend a solution based on Amartya Sen’s Open Impartiality approach that will allow the country to reassess its democratic platform. The paper also aims at providing a starting point to execute Sen’s approach by exploring the vision of two of India’s independence leaders: Mohandas Karamchandra Gandhi and Rabindranath Tagore.

India has seen unrivaled economic growth since it embarked on its neoliberal reforms in 1990. However, accompanying this growth in income and wealth is an increase in social and economic inequalities among its population. This thesis will look at the impact of the neoliberal agenda on India’s population, particularly on its rural and marginalized poor, and show how this growth and development has been predatory in nature, benefitting a small minority at the expense of a large majority of the population who are experiencing poverty, unemployment and the loss of livelihoods as a result. This paper argues that Gandhian economic philosophy - in particular, the emphasis on localization and decentralization – has a central role to play in the development agenda of India, and is fundamental in correcting this imbalance. By drawing on Gandhi’s economic philosophy and present-day grassroots movements and initiatives that are echoing his core principles, this paper argues for the localization of power in the form of participatory governance to achieve rural revitalization, poverty eradication and radical empowerment. Fundamental for this to happen are appropriate forms and systems of governance at the local level; the creation of livelihoods through and within the local community; and incorporating local traditional and indigenous knowledge into development strategies.

By examining Gandhi as a political organiser it may be possible to bridge the gap between two interpretations of his importance -- one which focuses on his propagation of nonviolence "as a way of life", the other- which treats him as a pioneer in the use of nonviolence "as a conflict technique. " Gandhi named his philosophy and his method of action, "satyagraha". Between 1915 and 1922 he emerged as the organiser of local satyagraha campaigns in Bihar and Gujarat. He moved quickly, however, to leadership of further struggles at a national level, in particular the hoxlatt Satyagraha in 1919 and Noncooperation eighteen months later. The thesis explores, through a series of case studies, how Gandhi developed his methods as he moved over a period of about five years from local to national scale. At the national level, Gandhi failed to take India by storm as he had hoped through organisations founded by himself to propagate his principles like the Satyagraha Sabha and the Swadeshi Sabha. He therefore forged alliances with political figures from other perspectives within the Khilafat movement and the Indian Rational Congress who nonetheless were prepared to follow his direction. A principal means which Gandhi developed for generating solidarity between the nation's educated "classes" and the "masses" and for mobilising people short of civil disobedience, was the promotion of campaigns of constructive work. This is particularly clear in his planning and leadership of the Noncooperation movement. Presentation of nonviolent action in the West, by overstressing the "conflict" aspect of satyagraha and neglecting the "constructive", has been one-sided. The importance in Gandhi's method as an organiser of a concept of constructive programme and its application in practice suggests that advocates of nonviolent action as a technique should look more closely at the balance between the two aspects in his approach. The thesis concludes with a review'of the rules and stages in Gandhi's satyagraha campaigns which have been proposed in the work of Joan Bondurant.

Proefschrift Universiteit Amsterdam. / Omslag is titelpagina. Met lit. opg. - Met samenvatting in het Nederlands.