Am 22. Oktober 1565 beauftragte der Herzog Julius von Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel seinen Prediger Martin Chemnitz, das literarische Oeuvre des Magisters Cyriacus Spangenberg auf dem Buchmarkt ausfindig zu machen, prunkvoll binden zu lassen und in den herzöglichen Bibliotheksbestand aufzunehmen. 64 Werke mit gut 6000 Seiten hatte der Mansfelder Generaldekan Spangenberg zu diesem Zeitpunkt bereits verfasst, seine Amtskollegen in der sächsischen Grafschaft hatten ihrerseits 64 Bücher veröffentlicht. Bis zum Abgang Spangenbergs aus Mansfeld 1574 verdoppelte sich die Anzahl geistlicher Veröffentlichungen Mansfelder Provenienz. Obwohl zu Lebzeiten breit rezipiert, hat die Publizistik der geistlichen "Druckmetropole" Mansfeld in der Geschichte und Kirchengeschichte wenig Beachtung gefunden. Die vorliegende Dissertation will diese Forschungslücke schließen. Die Mansfelder Prediger verfassten Lehrpredigten, Festpredigten, Trostpredigten, Katechismen, theologische Disputationen, historische Abhandlungen und geistliche Spiele in hoher Zahl und publizierten diese unter geschickter Ausnutzung der Mechanismen der frühneuzeitlichen Buchmarktes reichsweit. Ihre Veröffentlichungen richteten sich an Theologen, "Weltkinder" und "Einfältige". Sie generierten Verbindungen zu den Kirchen und Potentaten Nord- und Süddeutschlands, Frankreichs und der Niederlande und führten zu Kontroversen mit den großen Bildungszentren Mitteldeutschlands Wittenberg, Leipzig und Jena und deren Landesherren. Die Frage nach der Motivation für das Engagement der Mansfelder Prediger auf dem Buchmarkt steht im Zentrum der Untersuchung, die in einem synoptischen Verfahren den Wunsch nach Teilhaberschaft an der Ausbildung der kirchlichen, herrschaftlichen, sozialen und kommunikativen Strukturen als zentrales Motiv der schreibenden Theologen herausarbeitet, aber auch die Absicht der Autoren beweist, der Grafschaft Mansfeld über das Medium Buch als lutherischem Bildungszentrum in Europa Geltung zu verschaffen. / On October 22nd, 1565 Count Julius von Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel ordered the preacher Martin Chemnitz to locate the literary works of Magister Cyracus Spangenberg on the market, to have them bound luxuriously and to integrate them into the Countship's library. At this point in time, Spangenberg, superior Decan of Mansfield, had produced 64 books spanning approx. 6000 pages. His colleagues in the County of Saxony had also published 64 books. By the time Spangenberg left Mansfield in 1574, the number of publications with clerical contents stemming from Mansfeld had doubled. Although this opus was widely read during Spangenberg's lifetime, the products of the clerical „print metropolis“ Mansfeld have been later all but ignored in the contexts of both general history and church history. My dissertation aims to close this gap. The preachers of Mansfeld produced large amounts of sermons used for instructional purposes, for celebrations and for condolence as well as catechisms, theological disputations, historical essays and spiritual plays. They published their products in the entire “Reich” (the “Holy German Empire”), using the mechanisms of the book market of their times to their advantage. Their clients were theologians, “Weltkinder” (“children of the world”) and “Einfältige” (“simple persons”), and they established links to the churches and the powers of both northern and southern Germany, of France and of the Netherlands. This led to conflicts with the important centers of education in Central Germany – Wittenberg, Leipzig and Jena – and the potentates of the respective regions. The focal point of this dissertation is the question why the preachers of Mansfeld were so keen on participating in the book market of their time. Using synoptic methods, this dissertation ascertains that the wish to partake in the formulation of the clerical, feudal, social and medial structures of their time was a key motif for the work of those writing theologians, along with to the desire of establishing the County of Mansfeld as a European center of Lutheran education using the book.

270 Jahre lang gab es jüdisches Leben in der brandenburgischen Stadt Schwedt an der Oder. Der Leser dieses Bandes nimmt teil an der wechselvollen Geschichte der jüdischen Menschen und ihrer Gemeinde. Der erste Jude, der sich im 17. Jahrhundert in Schwedt niederließ, war Bendix Levi. Nachdem sein Haus in Oderberg abgebrannt war, erhielt er von Kurfürst Friedrich Wilhelm die Genehmigung zum Aufenthalt in Schwedt. Die preußischen Könige wünschten jedoch, daß in den kleinen brandenburgischen Städten nur wenige Juden leben sollten. Deshalb bestand während des 18. Jahrhunderts die jüdische Gemeinschaft in Schwedt nur aus Angehörigen von drei Familien, nämlich von Bendix Levi, Simon Salomon und Wulff Salomon. Ihr Leben war geprägt vom Kampf um Aufenthaltsrecht und Handelserlaubnis. Solidarität untereinander war dabei nicht immer selbstverständlich, da oft das Aufenthaltsrecht des einen, wirklich oder vermeintlich, dem Recht des anderen entgegenstand. Das umfangreiche Quellenmaterial aus Berliner, brandenburgischen und Jerusalemer Archiven führt uns die Auswirkungen der restriktiven preußischen Judenpolitik auf das Leben der Schwedter Juden lebendig vor Augen und gibt uns außerdem Einblicke in jüdische Traditionen und Gebräuche. So werden wir Zeugen einer jüdischen Eidesleistung im Schwedter Rathaus und nehmen teil an der feierlichen Unterzeichnung eines Heiratsvertrages. Das Emanzipationsedikt von 1812 machte Juden endlich zu preußischen Staatsbürgern und erleichterte das Leben durch Niederlassungs- und Gewerbefreiheit. Dies führte bald zu einer beträchtlichen Vergrößerung der Schwedter jüdischen Gemeinde, der sich auch die jüdischen Einwohner des nahe gelegenen Städtchens Vierraden anschlossen. Als erster ließ sich Israel David Loewenheim aus Tütz / Westpreußen in Schwedt nieder. Ihm folgten aus seiner Heimatstadt nicht weniger als sieben weitere Familien. Zuzüge gab es auch aus anderen Städten, sodass bis zum späten 19. Jahrhundert die Zahl der jüdischen Einwohner Schwedts bis auf ca. 200 Personen zunahm. Ab ca. 1880 führten dann jedoch zahlreiche Wegzüge – besonders nach Berlin – wieder zu einer Verkleinerung der Gemeinde. Seit 1840 war Schwedt Amtssitz eines Rabbiners. Nathan Hirsch Kuttner blieb bis zu seiner Pensionierung im Jahr 1895 in Schwedt. Dieses lange Zusammenleben lässt ein harmonisches Verhältnis zwischen ihm und der Gemeinde vermuten. Dies war aber in den ersten Jahren durchaus nicht der Fall. Kuttner musste einige Jahre um Anerkennung in der Gemeinde kämpfen und sogar die Zahlung seines Gehalts gerichtlich durchsetzen. Der Bau einer neuen Synagoge im Jahr 1862 gab der Gemeinde neues Zusammengehörigkeitsgefühl und brachte Ruhe in die Auseinandersetzungen mit dem Rabbiner. Unter dem Eindruck des zunehmenden Antisemitismus im ausgehenden 19. und im 20. Jahrhundert schloss sich die Gemeinde Vereinen und Organisationen an, die sich den antisemitischen Angriffen entgegenzustellen versuchten, so 1894 dem „Deutsch-Israelitischen Gemeindebund“ und 1901 dem „Verein zur Abwehr des Antisemitismus“. Im Jahr 1922 gründete man die „Reuchlin Loge“ im Verband „Unabhängiger Orden Bne-Beriss“. Bald folgte das schnelle und vollständige Ende der jüdischen Gemeinde in Schwedt durch den nationalsozialistischen Massenmord. In der Datenbank der Gedenkstätte Yad Vashem in Jerusalem wird die Erinnerung an 60 namentlich bekannte ermordete Schwedter Juden aufbewahrt. Nachfahren von Überlebenden hat es in alle Erdteile verschlagen. Intensive genealogische Forschungen in Zusammenarbeit mit Peter Lowe aus Hertford (UK), einem Nachkommen der Familie Loewenheim, und Yehuda Meinhardt (Israel) machten es möglich eine Reihe von Familienstammbäumen zu rekonstruieren. Der Band wird mit der Beschreibung des jüdischen Friedhofs und der Erfassung der Grabinschriften abgeschlossen. Eine ausführliche Dokumentation mit Fotografien findet sich im Internet (www.uni-potsdam.de/juedische-friedhoefe). / For 270 years there was Jewish life in the Brandenburg town of Schwedt on the Oder. The reader of this volume participates in the changing history of the Jewish people and their community. The first Jew to settle in Schwedt in the 17th century was Bendix Levi. After his house in Oderberg burned down, Kurfürst Friedrich Wilhelm granted him permission to take up residence in Schwedt. The Prussian Kings wanted only few Jews to live in small Brandenburg towns, so during the 18th century the Jewish community in Schwedt consisted of only three families whose heads were Bendix Levi, Simon Salomon and Wulff Salomon. Their life was dominated by the fight for residency and trade permits. Solidarity amongst each other was not always self evident, since the residency permit of one was often in real or imagined conflict with a permit for others. The extensive sources in archives in Berlin, Brandenburg and Jerusalem show intensely the consequences of the restrictive Prussian “Judenpolitik” on the life of Jews in Schwedt and they also give us insight into Jewish traditions and customs. We bear witness to a Jewish oath in the townhouse of Schwedt and take part in the ceremonial signing of a marriage treaty. The “Emanzipationsedikt” of 1812 finally made Jews into Prussian citizens and simplified their life by giving them freedom of settlement and trade. This resulted in considerable growth of the Jewish community in Schwedt which was also joined by the Jewish residents of the nearby town of Vierraden. The first of these new settlers in Schwedt was David Loewenheim from Tütz / Westprussia. No less than seven families from his hometown followed. There was also immigration from other towns, increasing the number of Jewish residents in Schwedt to 200 by the late 19th century. After about 1880 the community shrank again because many moved away, particularly to Berlin. Since 1840 Schwedt was the seat of a Rabbi. Nathan Hirsch Kuttner stayed in Schwedt until his retirement in 1895. Although this long sojourn might indicate an agreeable relationship between him and his community, this was certainly not the case in his first years. Kuttner had to fight for recognition by his community and even had to obtain a court order to collect his salary. The building of a new Synagogue in 1862 gave a new sense of cooperation to the community and calmed the struggles with the Rabbi. Under the impression of increasing anti-Semitism from the late 19th into the 20th century, the community joined organizations which attempted to resist anti-Semitic attacks. For example, in 1894 it joined the “Deutsch- Israelitische Gemeindebund” and in 1901 the “Verein zur Abwehr des Antisemitismus”. In 1922 the “Reuchlin Loge”, was formed within the “Independent Order of Bnai Brith”. Soon followed the fast and complete anihilation of the Jewish community in Schwedt by the national socialist mass murder. The Central Database of Shoah Victims' Names at Yad Vashem / Jerusalem preserves the memory of 71 murdered Jews of Schwedt who are known by name. Descendants of survivors are scattered to all parts of the world. Intensive genealogical research in cooperation with Peter Lowe from Hertford (UK), descendant of the Loewenheim family, and Yehuda Meinhardt (Israel), made it possible to reconstruct a number of family trees. The volume ends with a description of the Jewish cemetery and a record of the grave inscriptions. An entire documentation with photographs can be found in the Internet (www.uni-potsdam.de/juedische-friedhoefe).

<p>In this comparative social history of the American Revolution, the stories of eight men recounted through the use of their biographies, journals, and memoirs. The lives of four enlisted soldiers and four officers are depicted to gain an understanding of how they became involved in the revolution. In order to do so, their early lives are scrutinized, as well as their post-war lives as they transitioned to peacetime. The main purpose, however, is to examine how each man became motivated to join the war for independence, whether socially, economically, and/or politically. As each man had different aspirations for their expectations before and after the war, one thing is certain: the enlisted soldiers were motivated for different reasons compared to the officers. </p><p> By examining their early lives, as well as post-war lives, one can gain a better understanding of whether their motivations came to fruition, in the end. The intention is not to disprove their patriotism or zeal for joining the war, but instead to prove there were other motivational factors that contributed to their decision. Their patriotism is undeniable, which was a crucial reason why they were able to win the war after eight long years. Even though they experienced deprivation for eight years, due to the lack of resources, the spirit of the men could not be deterred. Despite harrowing circumstances, the revolutionary soldiers were able to prevail over a superior enemy. With that, their motivations and expectations must be examined to shed light on how these men were able to win the war. </p>

<p> While Joseph Stalin is commonly reviled in the West as a murderous tyrant who committed egregious human rights abuses against millions of his own people, in Russia he is often positively viewed as the symbol of Soviet-era stability and state power. How can there be such a disparity in perspectives? Utilizing an ethnographic approach, extensive interview data, and critical discourse analysis, this study concludes that the political elite in Russia are able to control and manipulate historical discourse about the Stalinist period in order to create a version of the past that bolsters their own political preferences. Appropriating the Stalinist discourse, they minimize or ignore outright crimes of the Soviet period, and instead focus on positive aspects of Stalin's rule, such as leading the Soviet Union to victory in the Second World War. Advancing concepts of 'preventive' and 'comprehensive' co-optation, this study analyzes how the political elite in Russia inhibit the emergence of groups that provide alternate narratives or narratives that contradict the elite-driven discourse, while promoting message-friendly groups that bolster elite preferences. Bringing the resources of the state to bear, the Russian elite are able to co-opt multiple avenues of discourse formulation and dissemination. Elite-sponsored discourse positions Stalin as a symbol of a strong, centralized state that was capable of many achievements, enabling favorable portrayals of Stalin as part of a tradition of harsh rulers in Russian history, along the lines of Peter the Great. Implicitly, this strong state discourse is used to legitimize the return of authoritarianism that Russia has experienced. </p>

<p> The purpose of this study is to identify necessary and sufficient conditions in regime collapse that are shared cross-regionally by the Color Revolutions of the post-Soviet region and the Arab Spring uprisings of the Arab region by utilizing fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA or QCA). Two countries that experienced regime collapse were chosen from each region, Georgia and Ukraine as well as Egypt and Tunisia, and were compared with two countries from each region where the regime did not collapse even when faced with mass anti-regime protests, Armenia and Belarus as well as Algeria and Syria, for a total of eight case studies. This research presents conditions derived from popular theories on regime collapse, reviews the pre-revolutionary conditions of the case study countries, and applies QCA methodology to tests the necessity and sufficiency of conditions within countries where the authoritarian regime in power collapsed. Results of this analysis suggest that division among coercive forces, a political crisis that weakened the regime, and the high presence of a mobilized youth movement were necessary in regime collapse in both the Color Revolutions and the Arab Spring uprisings. Additionally, division among coercive forces combined with a political crisis that weakened the regime, high levels of unrestricted NGO presence, or a highly unpopular ruling elite present as causal combinations sufficient for regime collapse. Finally, Western intervention and influence presents as a possible stand alone sufficient condition, though further research is needed to identify the specific types of Western intervention and influence that are most effective.</p>

<p> The purpose of this study was to describe and compare the music programs at Mennonite Collegiate Institute (MCI) founded in 1889 and Steinbach Christian High School (SCHS) which has its origins in Steinbach Bible College founded in 1936. The <i>Kanadier,</i> Mennonites who came to Manitoba in 1874 (e.g., <i>Kleine Gemeinde</i> and Bergthaler), had previously rejected part-singing in Russia. However, they became more open to part-singing after they came to Manitoba. The Bergthaler in Gretna helped establish MCI. The Mennonite Brethren (MB) and Evangelical Mennonite Brethren (EMB) were influential in promoting choral music among the <i> Kleine Gemeinde</i> in Steinbach. Steinbach Bible College became a joint effort of the MB, EMB, and <i>Kleine Gemeinde</i> (now the Evangelical Mennonite Conference or EMC). The <i>Ru&beta;l&auml;nder</i> (or <i> Russlaender</i>) who came to Canada in the 1920s, many of whom were MB, were culturally more progressive than the <i>Kanadier</i> and influenced both MCI and SCHS. The researcher interviewed teachers, administrators, a museum curator, visited archives, and attended a <i>S&auml;ngerfest</i> (or <i>Saengerfest</i>) at MCI and a concert at SCHS. Both schools are known for their choral programs and do similar repertoire. Regarding the religious musical heritages of the two schools, MCI is more deliberate at including German hymns and traditional favorites known as <i>Kernlieder </i> in their programming whereas the emphasis at SCHS is sacred music in general.</p>