Uppsatsens syfte är att titta på hur det svenska underrättelsereglementet från 2010 förhåller sig till kontemporära COIN teorier i en internationell miljö. Sverige saknar en egen COIN doktrin och nyttjar idag den amerikanska doktrinen FM 3-24 samtidigt som ett arbete sker för att anpassa reglementen mot NATO doktriner för ökad interoperabilitet. Undersölningen jämför därför FM UndR med underrättelsedoktriner samt COIN doktriner från USA och NATO. Uppsatsen utgår från David Kilcullens COIN teorier för underrättelsetjänst vilka operationaliserats i ett analysverktyg som anlagts på empirin. Resultatet av undersökningen visar att det svenska underrättelsereglementet har stora brister kopplat till det perspektiv som förespråkas inom COIN-sfären. Trots detta finns stora likheter till både amerikanska så väl som NATO doktrinerna 2.0 vilka rör underrättelsetjänst. Med detta som bakgrund kan slutsatsen dras att FM UndR utgör en tillräcklig grund för att svensk underrättelse personal ska kunna tillgodogöra sig av både amerikanska och NATO COIN doktrinerna.

In 2011 the Swedish government implemented the autonomy reform, which was a legislative change regarding the administration of the institutions of higher education. The aim was to enhance the autonomy of the universities within the framework of the current ruling authority or agency. Collegiality and academic freedom in research and teaching has long been a central norm within the academy. The justification for the autonomy reform proclaimed that if Sweden should have world class institutions for higher education it demands greater autonomy for the universities to manage and frame their internal organisations. The practical implications of the deregulation was generally greater independence regarding administration, teaching positions and the content of education. The institution of collegiality is a natural part of the historic evolution of the universities and a potential increasing marginalisation of the scientific process is a highly relevant issue in political science and administration research. There are some comprehensible effects of the reform that can be identified today. They are clear but very differentiated between institutions. A group of older universities, with a longer tradition and legacy, have mostly kept their old organisations while another group has made vast changes in their organisational structures at the cost of collegiality. Hierarchical administration have increased and affirmative collegial mandates have been transferred to individual actors within the organisation. This divergence between universities is potentially problematic because the common denominators have significant connections to the institutions historical and present quality and prominence. The purpose of this essay is to investigate, from a policy perspective, whether the content and consequences of the autonomy reform are problematic in connection to the universities differing valuation of collegiality as a component in academic prosperity. The analysis indicates that the organisational differences could lead to a widened gap between the universities in terms of quality, prestige and knowledge production. This due to weakened policy instruments that safeguards traditional and proven academic organisational methodology. The consequences of the differing responses to the deregulation can thus lead to a segregation between institutions instead of their convergence, which does not comply with the explicit ambition of a world class and equality driven sector of higher education.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine how the two extreme parties, the Nordic Resistance Movement and the Communist Party relates to Robert Dahl's seven institutions of polyarchy. This is examined by using a qualitative method. The parties' programs have been analyzed to answer if their views and proposals are consistent with the institutions of polyarchy. The thesis will also try to answer if extreme parties should be banned from a polyarchical perspective. Polyarchy is structured as an interconnected network where seven predetermined institutions all need to work together to achieve a realistic form of democracy. According to the left-right scale the two parties is placed at the edge of each side. The Communist Party strives for a stateless state and the Nordic Resistance Movement wants to see an ethnically pure national socialist society. The thesis shows that the Nordic Resistance Movement doesn't fulfill any of Robert Dahl's seven institutions of polyarchy. The Communist Party fulfills only two institutions. It is difficult, if not impossible, to determine whether enemies of democracy should enjoy democratic rights. The polyarchy speaks both for and against a ban on extreme parties. It's a democratic dilemma.

Abstract Bachelor thesis in Political Science by Sofia Weilander spring term 2018 Supervisor: David Scott The aim of this study is to analyze how sexual harassment and violence have been  represented as problems by  the metoo movement and the following political response in Sweden. The method and the theoretical frame in this study is based on Carol Lee Bacchi's approach ”Whats the problem represented to be?” The study is based on a poststructuralist position and aims to demonstrate how sexual harrasement and gender equality is problematized trough the metoo-movement. The findings is that the problematization started as a power critical problematizion of gender. This problematization is  characterized by women  witnessing about sexual  harassment and violence by men in power positions.  In the following political  response, this power critical  problematization is replaced  by a problematization that  stresses that sexual  harassment is an educational  problem, meaning that this  problem can be overcome  through education.  The results  are also interpreted as signs of neoliberal influence in public discourse.

This thesis investigates the ways in which children were included in the disaster management efforts of four major humanitarian aid organizations following the 2013 typhoon Haiyan in the Philippines. Central concepts are resilience, vulnerability and participation, and the study builds on how these concepts relates to one another. The study examines both the prevalence of efforts addressing children as active participants, as well as the specific forms of active participation that they constitute. Program evaluation reports by Oxfam, UNICEF, IFRC and Save the Children were examined through a qualitative content analysis. The results indicate that contrary to suggestions of previous studies, humanitarian organizations did include children as active participants in their disaster management efforts following typhoon Haiyan. Additional findings include the dominance of school-based participatory efforts, as well as limitations in addressing power structures potentially preventing the long-term resilience-building of children.

In the fall of 2017, the #metoo movement began on social media to encourage victims of sexual harassment to speak up and show the magnitude of the problem, especially violence committed by men against women. The message of #metoo went viral and developed into a significant topic on gender equality. It became a global trend in countries such as Sweden, France and various other countries, which caused a storm of users to share their stories with the help of the hashtag metoo on their social media platforms. The motivation behind the chosen area of study is to comprehend opinions on the movement. In order to get a different perspective on the women’s movement the focus throughout lie on young men. The aim of this study is to examine how heterosexual male students at a university in Sweden view the movement both as a Swedish and a global phenomenon. Furthermore, the study examined if the students believe their attitudes toward sexual harassment have been affected or changed by the movement. This bachelor thesis attempted to answer the research questions and present the results by conducting focus group interviews. The presented results of the focus group interviews showed an overall positive attitude towards the purpose of the movement. However, a majority agreed that the movement had developed into something beyond its purpose and discussed the negative effects it brought with it. The participants expressed concern for the usage of the hashtag for minor incidents which eventually overshadowed the initial positive purpose of the movement. Through the study, it was furthermore revealed that the participants did not believe that a change in attitudes had occurred within themselves, even though they believed it may have brought change to other men in society.

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In recent years, Chinese development efforts in Africa have increased in scope making China the second largest investor on the African content with Chinese MNCs dominating multiple markets across the continent. The author investigates whether there is empirical support for the assumption that there is a correlation between market dominance of Chinese MNCs and similarity in policy and practices to those of China, an assumption based on Eleanor Westney’s study on the emulation of organizational models in late 19th century Japan. To affirm this correlation and describe where it exists, the author examines the regulation of the telecom markets in Ethiopia and Nigeria, two cases where Chinese MNCs have varying degrees of control over the telecom market. Whether or not the studied cases share similarities with the policy and practices of China is studied using the functional method of comparative law as described by Mark Van Hoecke. The study is based on data collected from Freedom House’s reports on freedom on the net which scrutinizes legislation, court cases and the behaviour of government institutions in 65 countries. The author then discusses similarities and differences between the studied cases and China, concluding that the before mentioned correlation does exist to a certain extent and that further research is required.

This paper uses a quantitative content analysis informed by a critical realist framework to study the patterns of international political economy discourse prevalence within research articles concerning free trade. Once categorized, there are observable differences in the extent to which articles in the different categories address other discourses. Analyzing these patterns using concepts from discourse theory, we suggest that the liberal discourse constitutes a regime of truth to which the other discourses must relate. It is also found that articles published in higher ranking journals are less likely to address other discourses. We argue that this could be explained as being an effect of the larger readership of those journals.

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