[From the Preface]: A Study in Local History: Grahamstown 1883-1904 aims to draw into a coherent picture the threads of political attitudes, approaches to racial issues and changes confronting the late Victorians in Grahamstown, particularly in the areas of sanitation, public health and shifting commercial frontiers. The relation of local development to national affairs has been investigated, although attempts to define exactly how the former influenced the latter, and vice versa, would involve one in the proverbial chicken-and-egg syndrome. Let it suffice to say that an understanding of events in the microcosm, or locality, lends clarity to the cross-current of affairs at the national level. It begins at the point where Grahamstown's commercial importance in the Eastern Cape declines after a flourish of hopes in the prospects of the Port Alfred harbour as a means of bringing trade back to Grahamstown. The study concludes when the foundation of Rhodes University College in 1904, provides a new centre of development for the city.

A Period of Transition : A History of Grahamstown 1902-1918 attempts to show that the trends begun in the nineteenth century were confirmed by developments in the first two decades of the twentieth century. In this period, Grahamstown was forced to abandon ideas of economic recovery and political importance, as it adapted to its role in the post-Union dispensation. The city has been firmly grounded in the wider environment, though comparison with towns of similar position and outlook has been impossible because of a lack of source material.4 It is clearly evident that Grahamstown was under pressure from the macrocosm; nonetheless, local initiatives and developments also lent clarity to broader trends. This is particularly clear in the emerging pattern of racial segregation in the City, to cope with the economic and social problems posed by a burgeoning black population. The limited financial resources of a corporation the size of Grahamstown restricted its effectiveness to improve schemes of public works and public health, and further underlined the dependence of the city on the government for assistance. Grahamstown's transition was predominantly one of acceptance of a changed political, social and economic environment.

Newspaper article: "Gumtree 130 years old.”

This study in local history describes socio-economic developments in Grahamstown between 1918 - 1945, and analyses the extent to which these developments mirrored trends in the macrocosm. During these years the city failed to become ndustrialised, but enhanced her reputation as an eminent educational centre. Despite being financially handicapped, the City Council undertook large public works schemes for the provision of essential services, such as electricity and an adequate supply of water. In addition a water-borne sewerage scheme was introduced, and roads were repaired and tarred. The influx of a large number of poor rural Blacks into the urban area placed a considerable strain on the city's health services, and housing projects had to be implemented. Local political affiliations and race relations are examined against the background of national developments, especially the growing entrenchment by the State of the policy of segregation. Attention is also devoted to the impact upon the community of international political crises. The cultural and sporting pursuits, as well as the entertainments enjoyed by Grahamstonians, are investigated; and a picture of the local "mentalite" is presented.

Little is known at present about the development, structure, and functions of small towns in the Union of South Africa, and there is a need to fill this gap in our knowledge. A study has been made of Grahamstown, a small South African town. This study is monographic and intensive in character, and heuristic in aim. Ad hoc hypotheses have been formulated on the basis of the findings of the study, and these must be tested by subsequent studies of other small towns. Grahamstown, the subject of the study, was chosen largely for reasons of convenience, and also because of its interesting development. It is suggested that in many ways the town is possibly a typical small town, but at this stage we cannot know if this is so. Only the white population of the town was investigated, as it was necessary to limit research to manageable proportions, and in addition several studies have already been made of the non-white populations of the town. The analysis has been described as socio-ecological, as basically the methodological approach used is an attempt to wed the methods of the urban demographer and the social ecologist. Time and space are used as the two co-ordinates for the analysis, so that both a social historical and an ecological-demographic analysis of the town have been made. The historical analysis of the development and functions of Grahamstown relies heavily on material collected from the early newspapers of the town. Grahamstown, once the most important town in the Eastern Cape Province, known as the ''Emporium" and ''Metropolis" of the Eastern Cape, and the most progressive town in the Colony, is to-day a small static town with, on the whole, relatively restricted influence. This fundamental change in the historical development of the town, hitherto unexplained, is the result of the changes in the socioecological make-up of the region around the town. Founded in 1812 as a strategic outpost on the frontier of the Colony, Grahamstown dominated a wide region; as the gateway to and the supply centre for, the frontier, the town flourished and reigned supreme. From the mid 19th Century onwards the region began to change to a developed one, with the frontier more and more inland. Grahamstown, no longer a strategic outpost in a frontier region, lost its dominant ecological position to Port Elizabeth, the natural supply base for, and gateway to, the new settled region. As one town among many in the new settled region, Grahamstown gradually lost many of its former functions, and began to stagnate. The town is to-day mainly known for its important educational function. This function, a relic from the days of the town's zenith, has saved the town from complete stagnation. The town is what it is to-day largely because of the socio-ecological regional influences which have operated on it since its foundation. To-day Grahamstown is located within the Port Elizabeth metropolitan district. The town is the centre of a wide variety of regional services of an ad hoc type, and the modal region served seems to be that settled by the 1820 Settlers - basically the town is mainly a supply centre for its surrounding rural areas. The demographic structure of the town reveals a static population. Growth of the white population has been practically static since about 1880, and the age structure is that of a stationary population. Particularly noticeable is the under-representation of the young working group in the population, and it is suggested that due to the lack of economic opportunities in the town, the young workers of the town, especially the unmarried males, migrate to larger urban areas to seek employment, and advancement. The sex-ratio of the population shows an excess of females, and this may be due to migration out of an excess of young males, and possibly migration in of older spinsters. Retired persons definitely migrate to the town to settle. The town, a predominantly English speaking one, has practically no industries, and so the population contains a majority of workers engaged in professional, administrative, and commercial activities. This stresses the service and supply functions of the town. The ecological analysis delineated various natural areas and zones in the town. The pattern approximates to patterns revealed by studies of American towns. Although the areas involved were relatively small, ecological differentiation was marked. The spatial distribution of demographic and other social phenomena was studied in detail. The results of the study have allowed several ad hoc hypotheses concerning the development, functions, and structures of small towns in South Africa to be formulated. These may be tested by subsequent studies, and so ultimately knowledge and theories about our small towns may be built up.

Letter written by C.J Skead to Mr. F.C. Metrowich, authot of "The valiant but once". In the letter Skead submits a request for references indicating where the inforamtion was obtained as to the tree where Lieut. Col. Graham and Capt. Stockenstrom decided to establish the town of Grahamstown.

Letter written by Mr. F.C. Metrowich to C.J Skead. This letter was in response to a letter sent by Skead requesting for references indicating where the information was obtained as to the tree where Lieut. Col. Graham and Capt. Stockenstrom decided to establish the town of Grahamstown.

This research is situated within the context of the post-apartheid era in South Africa, which includes the dominant ideologies and policies that have shaped the urban landscape of the past and present. It investigates the extent and patterns of integration that exist twenty years after the country’s political transition and it uses Grahamstown, a small education and cultural centre in the Eastern Cape Province, as its case study. The investigation incorporates the traditional geographical focus of residential and educational integration, using conventional means of investigation such as segregation indices, dissimilarity indices, percentages and maps. However, in identifying the broader nature of ‘segregation’ and ‘integration’, the study moves beyond these foci and approaches. It adopts the timegeographical framework to reveal the dynamic use of urban space that reflects the lived space of selected individuals from the community of Grahamstown: the extent and patterns of their behavioural integration or spatial linkages. Together, these approaches reveal that Grahamstown is still a city divided by race and, now, class. Schools and residential areas remain tied to the apartheid divisions of race and the white community exists almost entirely within the bounds of apartheid’s blueprint of urban space. Rhodes University, which is located within Grahamstown, has experienced admirable levels of integration within the student body and within the staff as a whole, but not within the staff’s different levels. In essence, where integration has occurred it has been unidirectional with the black community moving into the spaces and institutions formerly reserved for whites. The limited behavioural integration or spatial linkages are shown to be tied to city structure and, within the white group, to perceptions of ‘otherness’ held by the individuals interviewed. While the study shows limited differences in the time-spatial movements between members of different races who are resident in the former white group area, it highlights the differences between those more permanently resident in the city and the temporary educational migrants or students. The study argues that the slow pace of change is related to the nature of South Africa’s democratic transition and its attending political and economic policies.

A number of issues in the thesis need to be clarified and will be discussed individually below. The term Third World, which is used in the thesis to describe developing countries in a disadvantageous economic position in relation to developed countries, is unsatisfactory. It is a collective term which combines countries with dissimilar cultures, ideologies and future prospects into one category (De Souza & Porter, 1974). Debate continues whether South Africa can be classified as a First or Third World country (Fair, 1982). Rogerson & Beavon (1980) indicate that South Africa can be described as dichotomous because it reflects characteristics of both First and Third World countries. In comparison De Souza & Porter (1974,1) include South Africa among the Third World countries, because four-fifths of the people have an income that is six times less than the income of the other fifth, and they live in a condition of underdevelopment. Conditions in Fingo Village resemble those described by De Souza & Porter (1974) and hence the results of the Fingo Village survey are compared with similar studies, elsewhere in the Third World. However, it would be naive to assume that Fingo Village is unaffected by development within the core regions of South Africa, which in many instances epitomize the First World. The term informal sector, used throughout the thesis, is also unsatisfactory, and debate continues as theorists attempt to find a more appropriate term. Santos (1979) indicates that the term informal sector is contentious, by placing it in single quotation marks. From the literature survey it emerged that the majority of authors did not follow Santos' convention (1979) and thus it seemed acceptable to use the term, informal sector, without placing it in single quotation marks. Chapter Two deals in-depth with the problem of defining the informal sector, and a working definition for the Fingo Village survey is presented in section 2.4.1. The informal sector embraces a wide diversity of economic activities. Due to the limited time and funds available, it was decided to isolate one aspect of this sector, namely, hawking. Sections 2.3 and 2.7 of Chapter Two indicate that hawking is an exemplary informal sector activity. All the different hawking types could not be given close attention and therefore, for practical purposes, it was decided to select one facet of hawking, namely, fruit and vegetable hawkers. Mobile fruit and vegetable hawkers were excluded from the study as it was impossible, during the mapping survey, to isolate a specific hawking site for each mobile hawker. Furthermore, a mobile hawker could easily be enumerated on more than one occasion, and hence a margin of error would automatically occur in the study. This was another reason for excluding mobile hawkers from the study and merely focusing upon static and semi-static fruit and vegetable hawkers. It is difficult to collect comprehensive quantitative data on informal sector activities (Preston-Whyte et al, 1984). The interviewer has to gain the confidence and trust of the subjects. The interviewer for the Fingo Village survey was a well known local personality and a man of some standing in the Black community. Daniel Sandi was the Secretary, of the Grahamstown Association (GRACA), which was reputed to have the support of the majority of the Black residents in Grahamstown until it was banned under the State of Emergency in July 1985. Daniel Sandi was also known for his contribution in literary circles as an epic poet. His previous experience conducting socio-economic surveys, as a researcher for the Border Council of Churches and as the Teba Research Assistant for the Institute of Social and Economic Research, Rhodes University, was also helpful. Sporadic unrest in the study area, from September 1984 and throughout 1985, prevented further fieldwork from being conducted in Fingo Village.

This Thesis examines the socio-political perceptions of Grahamstown, a small South African City, during the period 1946 to 1960. The ‘White English’ population of Grahamstown is the specific focus, as it formed the dominant social group during the period and consequently provided the majority of information for this work. During this period the majority of Grahamstowns ‘White English’ population thought of their City as holding many attractive features and experiences despite the slum-conditions and poverty that were rife in the Locations. During the British Royal Familie’s tour of the Union of South Africa in 1947, Grahamstown was one of the Cities visited. The loyalty that Grahamstown’s ‘White English’ citizens felt towards the Royal Family and the United Kingdom is explored in connection with the regard that ‘White English’ Grahamstown held for the 1820 Settlers. To highlight the Grahamstown City Council’s activities during this period five events are analysed: The Grahamstown Financial Crisis, The Grahamstown Housing Crisis, The Beer Hall Debate, The establishment of a Tuberculosis Hospital and the granting of Full University Status to Rhodes University College. It is shown, with regard to the politics of the period, that ‘White English’ Grahamstown, unequivocally supported the United Party and were vocally anti-Nationalist. The implementation of Apartheid policies within Grahamstown is explored, with specific focus placed upon the Group Areas Act. Finally the anti-republican sentiment espoused by ‘White English’ Grahamstown is reviewed.