Thesis (Ph. D.)--Brandeis University, 2003. / "UMI:3073877." Includes bibliographical references (p. 361-390).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Massachusetts, 1984. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 470-477).

Thesis (Ph.D.). / Written for the Dept. of Linguistics. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2004. / Supervisor: Lisa Green. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Santa Cruz, 2001. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 273-287).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Santa Cruz, 1994. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 157-162).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Santa Cruz, 1997. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 223-229).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1968. / Typescript. Vita. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 65-68).

This dissertation investigates the interaction between the basic rules for tense interpretation, on the one hand, and temporal types of VPs or sentences, time expressions and syntactic distribution of tense forms, on the other. This dissertation proposes an analysis in which each tense form is associated with at least three time identities, the zero time point, the event time and the reference time. The zero time is defined as the time from which a situation is considered and interpreted, the event time as the time at which a situation takes place and the reference time is the time at which the situation holds and which is part of the event time under consideration. Concerning the temporal structures of situations expressed by VPs or sentences, this dissertation proposes a six-type temporal classification and treats temporal types not as atomic but as reducible to temporal features. By so doing, this dissertation brings to light the internal structure among various temporal types. Regarding the relation between tense and time expressions, this dissertation analyzes it to be one of temporal inclusion and provides a successful account of why time adverbs do not necessarily mark both ending points of a given homogeneous situation, though this is true with a nonhomogeneous situation. In accounting for tense interpretation in complement clauses, this dissertation maintains that complement tense forms and matrix tense forms can be interpreted in the same way and they differ only in the interpretation of the zero time point. In the matrix clause, tense is interpreted with respect to the speech time and, in the complement clause, tense is interpreted relative to the reference time of the matrix clause. Because the zero time is used instead of the speech time in the proposed basic tense rules, these rules are general and powerful enough to be applicable to tenses in any syntactic environment.

This thesis discusses rule incompatibility phenomena (i.e., ungrammaticality resulting from two or more applications of movement rules in particular ways) and their related theoretical problems. The discussion concludes that the transformational component is exempted from many tasks which have been assigned to it, and the component should be reduced to a great extent. Rule incompatibility phenomena cannot be accounted for well by devices in the transformational component, such as the SD and SC of transformational rules, rule ordering, or constraints on rule application. The task of explaining the phenomena must be transferred to S-structure or the LF-component. A proposal is made that the phenomena are to be handled by constraints on binding theory, which operates at S-structure. Under the assumption of the free indexing theory, instances of rule incompatibility involve ambiguity in binding, or phrases not eligible to be binders. Thus, they are ruled out by the Unique Ā-Binding Constraint (UĀBC), which states that Ā-bound expressions must be uniquely bound to binders, and the Constraint on Incomplete Ā-Binders, which states that incomplete phrases cannot Ā-bind expressions. These constraints release the transformational component from the task of explaining the grammaticality judgments. Some cases of rule incompatibility can be accounted for either by the wh-island constraint or by the UĀBC. But, Chomsky's bounding theory must be revised, and given a revised bounding theory, the wh-island constraint does not hold. Nonexistence of the wh-island constraint indicates that rule incompatibility phenomena must be accounted for by the other alternative (i.e., the UĀBC), and that the transformational component is exempt from the wh-island constraint. Of the two possible indexing theories, the free indexing theory can handle rule incompatibility phenomena, but the other theory (the simultaneous indexing theory in our terminology) cannot. The choice of the free indexing theory releases transformational rules from the task of assigning indices to traces. It is furthermore suggested that the transformational component may be exempt from even the Subjacency Condition and the rule Move-α, and therefore, may be abandoned completely.