This dissertation sheds new light on the Purātan Janamsākhī, the earliest available account on the founder and most important figure of the Sikh tradition – Gurū Nānak (d. 1539 CE). Scholarship on Gurū Nānak has largely dismissed the significance of this text and has overlooked the fact that, after its composition in 1588 CE, the Purātan Janamsākhī remained the most widely circulated account of Gurū Nānak’s life for two centuries. This thesis engages with the manuscripts and studies of the text to provide a life-history of the Purātan Janamsākhī, and, in arguing for a reclamation of this account, takes on a close reading of the Purātan Janamsākhī to identify how, within decades of his death, followers of Gurū Nānak remembered his life and message. This thesis situates the Purātan Janamsākhī within its historical context and compares it with some of its closest North Indian contemporaries, including other janamsākhīs composed on the life of Gurū Nānak and hagiographical writings written about religious figures from different North Indian communities. Our comparative approach allows us to identify some basic commonalities in hagiographical writing and glean aspects that distinguish the Purātan Janamsākhī from its counterparts, including Gurū Nānak’s unique interest in political critique and building a new community. This thesis, therefore, contributes significantly to our understandings of identity and community formation, to studies on hagiographical writing, and to our foundational understandings of Sikh history.

Neste trabalho, pretendemos investigar a dimensão cívica da retórica mendicante presente nas obras hagiográficas compostas pelos frades Menores no século XIII italiano. Além disso, queremos contribuir para o aprofundamento das discussões teóricas acerca da hagiografia medieval, favorecendo a identificação e o estudo dos elementos retóricos comuns a essa prática letrada. Queremos igualmente colaborar com a reflexão historiográfica sobre a atuação dos mendicantes no ambiente citadino, pelo viés da hagiografia produzida pelos frades nas regiões centro-setentrionais da Itália, em meados do século XIII. Nosso ponto de partida é a hipótese de que o corpus santoral mendicante constitui, efetivamente, uma obra de cunho retórico, cujas premissas se assentam numa determinada concepção de sociedade que tem na moralidade os vínculos definidores dos laços sociais. Destarte, acreditamos também que estas obras sintetizam e propõem o cerne dos valores propugnados pelo minoritismo acerca da transformação moral da sociedade e se associam a uma específica retórica cívica, expressa na defesa de certa imagem idealizada da cidade. Levando em conta o tempo e o lugar, verificamos que as Vidas de santos escritas pelos frades Menores coincidem, em grande medida, com o período mais conturbado da história comunal italiana, o que nos faz ver que a concomitância do fenômeno hagiográfico e do político não foi fortuita. A legitimidade dos religiosos no trabalho citadino e o grande prestígio que alcançaram foram conseqüências do empenho predicativo direto e também dos sucessos que a retórica hagiográfica mendicante alcançou naquele século. / In the present work, we intend to investigate the civic dimension of mendicant rhetoric in the hagiographic works composed by the Friars Minor in the thirteenth century in Italy. Additionally, we aim at deepening the theoretical discussions about the medieval hagiography in order to identify and investigate rhetorical elements that are common to this literary practice. We also wish to collaborate with the historical analysis on the mendicantss performance in the city environment, from the perspective of the hagiography produced by Friars in Central-Northern Italy in the mid-thirteenth century. Our starting point is the hypothesis that the corpus of the mendicant sacred biographies is indeed a work of rhetorical nature, whose premises are based on a certain conception of society whereby morality works as a social connection. Thus, we also believe that these biographies synthesize and present the values defended by Franciscan friars about the moral transformation of society, and are associated with a specific civic rhetoric expressed in the defense of a particular idealized image of the city. Considering the time and the place, we see that the lives of saints written by the Friars Minor coincide largely with the most turbulent period of Italian communal history, which leads us to the conclusion that the concurrence of the political and hagiographical phenomena was not fortuitous. The legitimacy of the religious preaching in the city and its great prestige were a direct consequence of the work done by the Friars and also of the success that the hagiographic rhetoric reached in that century.

O objetivo desse trabalho é explorar as múltiplas formas com que os hagiógrafos do franciscanismo conceberam o espaço urbano e quais mecanismos utilizaram para formular tal concepção. Pretendemos também investigar se a noção de espaço urbano estabelecida por eles está ou não concorde com um possível discurso mendicante voltado para as práticas citadinas; por fim, queremos avaliar em que medida esses elementos se conjugaram na práxis pastoral dos franciscanos nas cidades onde atuaram. Para tanto, estudaremos duas compilações hagiográficas acerca da vida de s. Francisco de Assis, produzidas no século XIII: Compilatio Assisiensis e Memoriale in desiderio animae. Ambos os textos foram compostos em território peninsular e ambos procuraram acentuar o esforço missionário do santo de Assis para evangelizar, moralizar e \"converter\" as cidades centro-setentrionais da Itália. Partimos do pressuposto de que a hagiografia, de forma geral, constituiu um recurso retoricamente elaborado e utilizado em larga escala pela instituição eclesiástica para transmitir seus ensinamentos e atuar sobre as condutas dos fiéis. Nesse sentido, esperamos encontrar não a cidade real ou o esboço dela, mas a projeção de uma cidade que se queria implementar mediante a transmissão de certos valores tidos como os mais aptos para a transformação do corpo social. O feito de s. Francisco ter trabalhado na evangelização das cidades e de ter fundado uma ordem religiosa de escopo urbano já é indicativo de que a hagiografia franciscana tem algo a contribuir para o amplo estudo da noção de espaço urbano na baixa Idade Média / The objective of this work is explore the multiple forms which the hagiographers of the Franciscanism conceived the urban space and what mechanisms they utilized to formularize this concept. We pretend to investigate if the notion of the urban space established by them is or not concordant with a possible mendicant discourse turned to the citizen practices. Ultimately we endeavor to evaluate in what proportions this elements conjugated themselves in the pastoral praxis of the Franciscans on the cities where they acted. For so much we have studied two hagiographic compilations about the Saint Francis of Assisi\'s life that was written on XIII century: Compilatio Assisiensis and Memoriale in desiderio animae. Both the texts were composed in peninsular territory and tried to emphasize the missionary work of the Saint of Assisi to evangelize, moralize and \"convert\" the center north of Italy. We begin from the supposal that the hagiography, in general, constituted a rhetoric elaborated recourse that was utilized in large scale by ecclesiastic institution to transmit her teaching and to act on the conduct of the faithful. In this sense we expect not find the real city or her sketch but the projection of a city that had wanted implement itself by the transmission of certain values which were considered as the most apt for the transformation of the social body. The done of Saint Francis, who worked on the evangelization of the cities and founded a religious order of the urban scope, is indicative of that the Franciscan hagiography has something to contribute for the large study of the urban space notion on the late Middle- Ages

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2018-06-20T12:31:57Z No. of bitstreams: 1 CRISTIANE SOUSA SANTOS.pdf: 1319771 bytes, checksum: 7f30a6f7759360aa8057ca4b00edffc7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-20T12:31:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CRISTIANE SOUSA SANTOS.pdf: 1319771 bytes, checksum: 7f30a6f7759360aa8057ca4b00edffc7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-28 / This dissertation has as main objective to deal with the pilgrimages and the cult of the Apostle James the Greater in Santiago de Compostela, from the Liber Sancti Jacobi, a codex elaborated in the twelfth century, and which encloses in itself all the nuances of reverence for the disciple in the Galicia region. In order to do so, we are guided by theoretical methodological assumptions for the analysis of the representations in the present source, according to the aspects of the myth and the Social Imaginary, present in the quotidian of the century. From the revelation of the existence of a sepulcher made in the ninth century, attributed to the disciple who would have been according to the Holy Scriptures, one of the closest of the Messiah, a cult that according to tradition has been forgotten for centuries, would thus have resurfaced. Since then, a series of narratives and the itinerary towards the Galician city, were being written and perfected. At the apogee of the cult of relics in the twelfth century, the Compostela Cathedral under the prelate Diego Gelmírez, there was an extension to the elaboration of these documents aimed at legitimizing the presence of the relics of the apostle in "Hispania", among the most notable of these chronicles, is the Liber Sancti Jacobi or Codex Calixtinus. Based on the narratives present in the codex, information about the presence of James the Greater in the Iberian Peninsula was expanded. Thus, our research developed from the research on the writing and the origin of the tradition of the narratives reproduced in the codex. As well, we turn our attention to the relevance and influence of the pilgrimages to Jerusalem and Rome, primordial to the investigations that investigate the amplitude and importance of the trips and pilgrimages in Average Age. Finally, the attention is directed to the analyzes of the myth of St. James and his miracles narrated in the Liber Sancti Jacobi and their interferences, motivations and inspirations for the construction and promotion of the way of Santiago de Compostela. / Essa dissertação, tem como objetivo principal, tratar a respeito das peregrinações e o culto ao apóstolo Tiago, o Maior em Santiago de Compostela, a partir do Liber Sancti Jacobi, um códice elaborado no século XII, e que encerra em si todas as nuances da reverência destinada ao discípulo na região Galiza. Para tanto, nos direcionamos a partir de pressupostos teóricos metodológicos de análise das representações existentes na fonte em apreço, segundo os aspectos do mito e do Imaginário Social, presentes no cotidiano do século da redação desta. A partir da revelatio da existência de um sepulcro feita no século IX, atribuído ao discípulo que teria sido conforme as Sagradas Escrituras, um dos mais próximos do Messias, um culto que segundo a tradição esteve esquecido por séculos, teria assim, ressurgido. Desde então, uma série de narrativas e o itinerário em direção à cidade galega, foram sendo escritas e aperfeiçoados. No apogeu do culto às relíquias no século XII, a Sé Compostelana sob o prelado D. Diego Gelmírez, houve a ampliação à elaboração desses documentos que visavam a legitimação da presença das relíquias do apóstolo em “Hispania”, dentre as mais notáveis dessas crônicas, encontra-se o Liber Sancti Jacobi ou Codex Calixtinus. Fundamentados nas narrativas presentes no códice, se expandiram as informações sobre a presença de Tiago, o Maior na Península Ibérica. Dessa forma, nossa pesquisa, se desenvolveu a partir da investigação sobre a redação e a origem da tradição das narrativas reproduzidas no códice. Assim como também, voltamos nossa atenção para a relevância e a influência das peregrinações à Jerusalém e à Roma, primordiais às pesquisas que investigam a amplitude e a importância das viagens e peregrinações na Idade Média. Por fim, às atenções são destinadas às análises do mito de São Tiago e dos seus milagres narrados no Liber Sancti Jacobi e suas interferências, motivações e inspirações para a construção e promoção do caminho de Santiago de Compostela.

Neste trabalho, pretendemos investigar a dimensão cívica da retórica mendicante presente nas obras hagiográficas compostas pelos frades Menores no século XIII italiano. Além disso, queremos contribuir para o aprofundamento das discussões teóricas acerca da hagiografia medieval, favorecendo a identificação e o estudo dos elementos retóricos comuns a essa prática letrada. Queremos igualmente colaborar com a reflexão historiográfica sobre a atuação dos mendicantes no ambiente citadino, pelo viés da hagiografia produzida pelos frades nas regiões centro-setentrionais da Itália, em meados do século XIII. Nosso ponto de partida é a hipótese de que o corpus santoral mendicante constitui, efetivamente, uma obra de cunho retórico, cujas premissas se assentam numa determinada concepção de sociedade que tem na moralidade os vínculos definidores dos laços sociais. Destarte, acreditamos também que estas obras sintetizam e propõem o cerne dos valores propugnados pelo minoritismo acerca da transformação moral da sociedade e se associam a uma específica retórica cívica, expressa na defesa de certa imagem idealizada da cidade. Levando em conta o tempo e o lugar, verificamos que as Vidas de santos escritas pelos frades Menores coincidem, em grande medida, com o período mais conturbado da história comunal italiana, o que nos faz ver que a concomitância do fenômeno hagiográfico e do político não foi fortuita. A legitimidade dos religiosos no trabalho citadino e o grande prestígio que alcançaram foram conseqüências do empenho predicativo direto e também dos sucessos que a retórica hagiográfica mendicante alcançou naquele século. / In the present work, we intend to investigate the civic dimension of mendicant rhetoric in the hagiographic works composed by the Friars Minor in the thirteenth century in Italy. Additionally, we aim at deepening the theoretical discussions about the medieval hagiography in order to identify and investigate rhetorical elements that are common to this literary practice. We also wish to collaborate with the historical analysis on the mendicantss performance in the city environment, from the perspective of the hagiography produced by Friars in Central-Northern Italy in the mid-thirteenth century. Our starting point is the hypothesis that the corpus of the mendicant sacred biographies is indeed a work of rhetorical nature, whose premises are based on a certain conception of society whereby morality works as a social connection. Thus, we also believe that these biographies synthesize and present the values defended by Franciscan friars about the moral transformation of society, and are associated with a specific civic rhetoric expressed in the defense of a particular idealized image of the city. Considering the time and the place, we see that the lives of saints written by the Friars Minor coincide largely with the most turbulent period of Italian communal history, which leads us to the conclusion that the concurrence of the political and hagiographical phenomena was not fortuitous. The legitimacy of the religious preaching in the city and its great prestige were a direct consequence of the work done by the Friars and also of the success that the hagiographic rhetoric reached in that century.

Co-tutelle de thèse Université Paris I Panthéon-Sorbonne / Université Libre de Bruxelles, sous la direction conjointe de Michel KAPLAN (Université Paris I Panthéon-Sorbonne) et de Jean-Marie SANSTERRE (Université Libre de Bruxelles) L’épiscopat constitue un fondement essentiel mais méconnu de l’Église mésobyzantine. Malgré la relative rareté des sources, il est possible d’en retracer l’histoire et les grandes évolutions : une part importante de l’hagiographie de l’iconoclasme et post-iconoclaste concerne en effet métropolites et évêques, témoignant du lien fort existant entre ceux-ci et le peuple des cités dont ils ont la charge, particulièrement quand ils sont considérés saints par la population. De nombreuses sources épistolaires, ecclésiastiques et sigillographiques, émanant des évêques eux-mêmes, permettent d’approcher les réalités du corps épiscopal et celles de la société provinciale qu’il représente auprès des autorités centrales. L’évêque apparaît également comme le relais des volontés impériale et patriarcale dans les provinces de l’Empire. Dans un contexte de compétition de pouvoir avec les autorités locales, l’évêque tente ainsi d’imposer le sien propre, dans ses aspects spatiaux, sociaux, religieux et symboliques. L’approche collective et les approches individuelles de l’épiscopat doivent permettre de comprendre les réalités sociales d’un Empire de plus en plus centré sur sa capitale et dont sont progressivement détachées, du moins dans les sources, les périphéries. Une histoire décentrée de l’Empire byzantin passe dès lors par des études régionales mais aussi par des études consacrées à des groupes sociaux enracinés dans tout l’Empire, surtout lorsque, comme les évêques, ils revendiquent la spécificité de leur région et leur attachement à une société provinciale qui constitue le socle de l’Empire. / The episcopate is an essential structure of the middle-Byzantine Church ; however, it remains little known. Although sources are limited, its history and evolution can still be reconstructed, as a large portion of the iconoclastic and post-iconoclastic hagiography deals with metropolitans and bishops. The sources reveal the strong connection between bishops and the inhabitants of the cities under their responsibility, especially when the population considers them as saints. Numerous epistolary, ecclesiastic and sigillographic documents issued by bishops themselves partially unveil the realities of the episcopal group and the provincial society that bishops represent to the central authorities. The bishop also serves as relay of both imperial and patriarchal wills to the provinces of the Empire. Competing with local authorities, the bishop thus tries to impose his own influence in its spatial, social, religious and symbolic dimensions. Both collective and individual approaches of the episcopate make the social realities of the Empire more understandable, as it becomes more and more focused on its capital city while its peripheries gradually move away, which documentation seems to imply. Regional studies, but also studies focused on social groups established across the whole Empire, are the fundamentals of a decentred history of the Byzantine Empire. This is especially true since social groups such as bishops claim the specificity of their regions and their link to a provincial society that represents the cornerstone of the Empire.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Notre Dame, 2003. / Thesis directed by Michael Lapidge and Katherine O'Brien O'Keeffe for the Department of English. "December 2003." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 255-288).

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RÉSUMÉ Forme littéraire développée dès les débuts du IVe siècle, l’hagiographie, plus tard sanctionnée par l’Église catholique romaine, se déploie avec tout le rituel et le décorum requis par le genre institué, dévoilant les modalités du savoir et du croire qui la distingue. Cette forme fixe fut réactivée, contre toute attente, dans une somme étoffée durant la seconde moitié du XXe siècle par le Collège de ‘Pataphysique, aréopage de philosophes, littérateurs et plasticiens, qui n’est pas un conclave d’excentriques, pas davantage qu’un nouvel « isme », mais une institution qui résolument emblématise la Science. Ce réemploi générique de l’hagiographie est caractérisé par une hétérogénéité bien peu canonique s’inscrivant dans une continuité problématique par rapport au sous-texte. Une première traversée du Calendrier inviterait à croire à une entreprise parodique et iconoclaste. La parodie, qui est aussi une imitation, pose un problème de visée. Le second degré de Gérard Genette implique deux grands régimes discursifs : le sérieux (le sérieux proprement dit et le satirique) et le ludique. Ces régimes nous ont été utiles pour arrimer la question de l’humour. Il y a là en somme deux possibilités, soit la parodie sérieuse conduisant à ridiculiser l’hagiographie et le Calendrier des Saints qui seraient sérieusement visés, néantisés, tournés en dérision; soit la parodie ludique, à portée nulle, simple jeu, farce farfelue, « pour rire ». Or, nous avons tenté de démontrer dans ce mémoire que, même s’il y a lieu d’avancer des arguments en faveur de l’un et de l’autre type de parodie, le partage ne fonctionne pas, précisément peut-être parce qu’il est possible de montrer à la fois que c’est sérieux et pas sérieux. Dans un troisième temps, on peut aussi faire la démonstration que le pas-sérieux est sérieux. Les jeux de mots, d’homophonie n’engagent-ils pas le Verbe? L’imitation impossible ne réfléchit-elle pas les imitabile de la Sainte Église? La situation énonciatrice tributaire de l’hagiographie pataphysique est non différentiable d’un souci de didactisme qui place la composante moralisatrice au centre des enjeux discursifs. Elle induit de ce fait des attentes en matière d’ethos consistant à mettre au même diapason une représentation sociale de l’énonciateur et une représentation intradiscursive au ton didactique. Elle adjoint un autre ton, savant celui-là, érudit, qui vient défaire la belle convergence et fait disjoncter la rhétorique du genre. Cette rhétoricité problématique de l’hagiographie pataphysique a été abordée sous l’angle de l’ethos. L’ethos est l’instance de validation par laquelle nous renvoyons non pas au caractère de l’orateur, mais, suivant en cela Dominique Maingueneau, au type de parole engendrée par le discours et qui, en retour, rend ce discours crédible. Que devient cette instance lorsque la visée persuasive du discours est remise en question, que l’ethos se démultiplie de façon hétérogène sans véritablement assurer la cohésion du propos ni garantir sa portée? La parodie posant incidemment un problème de visée, est-ce du côté d’un ethos parodique que se trouve la réponse? Il nous a convenu de mesurer, d’articuler, de déplacer cette postulation. Nous nous sommes saisi, pour les besoins de notre argumentation, d’une discipline historiquement lourde d’investissement théorique, soit la rhétorique. Celle-ci constitue à la fois une méthode de composition d’un discours reposant sur des lieux susceptibles de susciter l’adhésion et l’émulation de l’énonciataire et une méthode d’analyse. Guidé par une définition étendue du texte, traversant les littératures non narrative et narrative, il nous a importé enfin de restituer la pratique cymbaliste à partir d’un corpus qui est resté l’apanage du « seul » pataphysicien. Nous nous sommes ainsi situé dans l’horizon plus global de la réceptivité d’un discours qui évacue l’idéologique, qui jamais ne se laisse saisir tout à fait, ni enferrer par le fétiche du sens au profit des potentialités qu’il recèle, et cela à partir d’axiomes arbitraires soumis à l’unique exigence de cohérence interne. / ABSTRACT Hagiography, a literary form dating back to the beginnings of fourth century Christianism, and later sanctioned by the Roman Catholic Church, exhibits itself with all the ritualistic devices and decorum requisite to the genre, displaying the full intricacies of its knowledge and beliefs in the process. It was unexpectedly given new life by an extensive body of work put forth, in the second half of the 20th century, by the Collège de ‘Pataphysique (or ‘Pataphysics), a gathering of philosophical and literary minds. The Collège intended to be an institution dedicated to the emblematization of Science, something other than a conclave of eccentrics or a mere new “ism”. This generic reuse of hagiography exhibits a singular heterogeneity, which, far from being canonical, is part of a continuation, a problematic element vis-à-vis the subtext. Upon reviewing the Calendar of the Saints, one could conclude that this collective work is little more than a parodical and iconoclastic enterprise. But parody, a form of imitation, raises the issue of scope. Gérard Genette’s Second degree refers to two main types of discourse: the serious -what is serious per say and what is satirical-, and the playful. This approach proved useful when tackling the matter of humour. There are, in fact, two alternatives: serious parody, which would deride hagiography and the Calendar of the Saints, or playful parody, a simple game, a farce with no actual scope, “just for fun”. While a valuable argument can be made for either option, we will attempt to demonstrate that a distinction between the two is in fact impossible, precisely because it is possible to prove that it is both serious and not serious. Ultimately, we can also demonstrate that the not-serious is serious. After all, isn’t it true that puns and homophony both involve the Word? And doesn’t the impossible imitation reflect the imitabile of the Holy Church itself? The enunciative situation stemming from pataphysical hagiography is indistinguishable from any didactical endeavour with a moralistic component at its core. It calls for ethos, with a social representation of the enunciator as well as a didactical representation from within the discourse itself. It also takes a more scholarly tone, which disrupts the convergence and has a disjunctive effect on the rhetoric of the genre. We chose to approach the “rhetorical problem” raised by pataphysical hagiography through the notion of ethos. The ethos, as a validation premise, takes us beyond the speaker’s character, in the footsteps of the likes of Dominique Maingueneau, to the type of message stemming from the discourse, making it credible. But what becomes of this premise when the discourse’s persuasive scope is put into question? When the ethos multiplies itself, preserving neither the message’s cohesion nor its scope? If parody incidentally raises the issue of scope, does the answer lie in some form of parodical ethos? We saw fit to measure, articulate and analyse this hypothesis from different angles. For the purposes of our analysis, we took on a disciplined, rhetorical approach. Although cumbersome from a theoretical standpoint, this method for creating discourse is based on elements capable of inciting both adherence from (and emulation of) the enunciator, as well as on a method of analysis. Guided by a broader definition of the text, spanning both narrative and non-narrative literary genres, we sought to restore the cymbalistic approach from a body of work belonging solely to the pataphysician. We thus positioned ourselves in the greater setting of a discourse free of ideological considerations, that is never quite fully understood or stuck within the confines of meaning, and therefore has endless potential ; a discourse based on random axioms bound only by the requirement of internal coherence.

Freie Univ., Habil.-Schr.--Berlin, 2004.