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Orientador: Fausto Castilho / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T04:11:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Basali_RogerioAlessandrodeMello_D.pdf: 417185 bytes, checksum: 69303942b0aac844868476dc308f0936 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Este trabalho se propõe a apresentar um conjunto de elementos da doutrina do Estado presentes na obra de Alessandro Passerin D'Entreves (1902-1985), a partir de uma perspectiva que venha justificar sua aproximação com o pensamento de Hannah Arendt (1906-1975), visando modos de compreensão de conceitos e categorias políticos como fatos distintos de fenômenos da violência. A maneira como D'Entreves enuncia sua noção de Estado, compreendido como a tríplice articulação das categorias de força, poder e autoridade, resultado de um trabalho singular de análise e interpretação da tradição do pensamento político ocidental, foi indicada por Hannah Arendt como a única teoria política que corroborava sua própria distinção entre poder e violência. Pesquisaremos na obra desses autores parte das referências à tradição do pensamento, buscando resgatar em seus textos essa distinção e as possibilidades para pensar a política contra a violência. Concluímos que, apesar de trabalharem com experiências e análises diversas, os autores fundamentam uma perspectiva comum, que permite o entendimento da política como um fenômeno distinto da violência e vinculado à liberdade, ainda que, no pensamento de cada um desses autores, a noção e a fundamentação da liberdade sejam conceituadas distintamente / Abstract: This work proposes the apresentation of a group of elements from de "State doutrine" presented at Passerin D'Entreves (1902-1985) work, from perspectives that are able to justifie his proximity to Hannah Arendt (1906-1975), aiming to find ways of comprehension of political concepts and categories as distinct facts or phenomenons of violence. The way how D'Entreves enunciates his notion of State, comprehended as the triple articulation of the strength, power and authority, result of a singular work of analisis and interpretation of the tradition of the occidental political thought, was indicated by Hannah Arendt as the only political theory that corroborate her own distinction between power and violence. We are going to research among these authors' work part of the references of traditional thought, seeking to rescue at theirs texts this distinction and the possibilities to think the politics against violence. We conclude that, although working with various experiments and analysis, the authors establish a common perspective that allows the understanding of politics as a distinct phenomenon of violence and linked to freedom, even in the minds of each of these authors, the notion and grounds of liberty are distinctly conceptualized / Doutorado / Filosofia Politica / Doutor em Filosofia

Orientador: Yara Adario Frateschi / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T23:40:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 BodziakJunior_PauloEduardo_M.pdf: 835423 bytes, checksum: 63a487849065b6297873a01035a7a2fe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Hannah Arendt trouxe uma nova perspectiva de formulação e de compreensão dos problemas políticos contemporâneos. Se, por um lado, foi capaz de evidenciar a insuficiência teórica do século XX diante do ineditismo dos eventos políticos, tendo que elaborar novas estratégias teóricas capazes de responder ao desafio de pensar a política no seu tempo; por outro lado, tal tarefa não pôde ser realizada sem que tais novidades fossem duramente criticadas por seus contemporâneos antes ou após sua morte em 1975. Neste trabalho, veremos que estas críticas se desenvolvem a partir de dois aspectos: da má compreensão das novidades teóricas elaboradas por Arendt e do tratamento dado pela autora à articulação entre social e político. Como resposta ao primeiro aspecto buscaremos construir a noção de "Categorias de Validade Exemplar", termo que tenta reunir as influências importantes de Kant, Benjamin e Sócrates ao pensamento arendtiano. Segundo, notaremos como as categorias políticas de Hannah Arendt podem ser pensadas em um cenário de efetivação da organização moderna da esfera de aparências, isto é, a sociedade. Sustentaremos que a autora acerta ao apontar para a funcionalização da política pela economia, embora seja necessário reinterpretar aspectos teóricos que a conduzem à citada conclusão para nos permitir pensar a política a partir de conflitos sociais / Abstract: Hannah Arendt brought a new perspective to the formulation and understanding of contemporary political problems. If, on the one hand, she was able to show the theoretical inadequacy of the twentieth century in front of unprecedented political events, having to develop new theoretical strategies capable of meeting the challenge of thinking about politics in her time, on the other, such a task could not be performed without such novelties were harshly criticized by his contemporaries before or after his death in 1975. In this work, we will see that these criticisms are developed from two aspects: the poor understanding of theoretical novelties prepared by Arendt and the treatment given by the author to the relationship between social and political. In response to the first aspect we will seek to build the notion of "Categories of Validity Exemplary", a term that attempts to bring together the important influences of Kant, Benjamin and Socrates to Arendt thought. Second, we will note how the political categories of Hannah Arendt can be thought of in a scenario of realization of the modern organization of sphere of appearances, that is, the society. I shall argue that the author hits the point to the functionalization of the political by economy, although it is necessary to reinterpret theoretical aspects that leads it to the above conclusion to enable us to think politics from social conflicts / Mestrado / Filosofia / Mestre em Filosofia

Depuis la fin des années 1980, les Coopératives de production agricole (CPA) du Mouvement des travailleurs ruraux sans-terre (MST) au Brésil symbolisent, selon celui-ci, une « forme supérieure de coopération ». Pour le MST, la Cooperativa de Produção Agropecuária Nova Santa Rita (Coopérative de production agricole Nova Santa Rita, COOPAN) représente un modèle de réussite socio-économique d’une coopérative entièrement gérée selon le modèle du « travail collectif » : une communauté stable, rentable économiquement, respectant les principes environnementaux de l’agroécologie et où le travail et la vie quotidienne sont organisés de manière collective et démocratique. Une enquête de terrain attentive révèle, cependant, les soubassements conflictuels de la construction d’une communauté démocratique. Dans ce que nous appelons une « dialectique du conflit », les acteurs sociaux du MST doivent constamment équilibrer le rapport fragile et mouvant entre l’individuel et le collectif, l’horizontalité et la verticalité, l’économique et le politique. Appuyée sur une enquête de terrain s’étalant sur cinq ans et inspirée d’un cadre théorique construit principalement à partir de la phénoménologie politique de Maurice Merleau-Ponty et complété par les pensées de Claude Lefort et d’Hannah Arendt, cette thèse propose la phénoménologie politique comme méthode ethnographique. Nous examinons ainsi la construction de la communauté COOPAN en tentant de comprendre l’institution politique d’une communauté et de ses sujets. Les trente et une familles qui composent COOPAN font la route ensemble depuis presque trois décennies. Nous avons reconstitué cette trajectoire de vie et son fonctionnement actuel dans le but de saisir les différentes formes d’apparition et de transformation du politique ou, autrement dit, les manières par lesquelles se construisent les liens sociaux, les sentiments d’appartenance, les pratiques et les normes à partir desquels se déploie une communauté politique et ses sujets, toujours en mouvement. En d’autres mots, le but est de saisir comment les expériences politiques des sujets participent à instituer un ordre social autour d’un projet politique commun, en construction permanente.

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I den här essän försöker jag få en förståelse och en inre struktur för mitt yrke och min praktiska kunskap som musiker och sångare i Tyskland. Det handlar om mitt dilemma om att vara utlandssvensk i Tyskland och om min hemlängtan till Sverige. Med hjälp av Aristoteles, Hannah Arendt, Hans Larsson m.fl, binder jag ihop känslorna med kunskapen och får på så sätt nya perspektiv på hur det är att leva mellan två världar. Ja att få tillgång till två länder och att förstå och omvandla min längtan till något kreativt.

Hannah Hurtzig (MOBILE AKADEMIE) hat eine Vielzahl von Projekten, Installationen und Archiv-Einheiten entworfen, die sich auf unterschiedlichen Ebenen mit der Konstruktion von Wissen, Wissenstransfer und dessen Aufbewahrung, Anhäufung und Sammlung auseinandersetzen. Dazu gehört das Format „Schwarzmarkt für Nützliches Wissen und Nicht-Wissen“. Über die Auseinandersetzung mit dem Begriff des Nicht-Wissens und der räumlichen Inszenierung der Archiv-Installationen der Mobilen Akademie stellt sich auch die Frage nach der sowohl räumlichen als auch gedanklichen Verortung des Archiv-Begriffs.

Le présent mémoire interroge le conditionnement exercé par la violence sur la capacité d’action humaine à travers les pensées des philosophes Hannah Arendt et Frantz Fanon. Nous entendons approfondir l’étude de ces deux concepts centraux en philosophie politique ainsi qu’en phénoménologie en vue de futures recherches. Si ces deux penseurs majeurs du 20e siècle ont souvent été mis en dialogue sur le concept de la violence, leurs philosophies de l’action respectives n’ont presque jamais fait l’objet d’une discussion. Notre objectif est donc de combler ce manque et de démontrer que, malgré des divergences flagrantes, qui s’expliquent, entre autres, par un rapport au corps et à la subjectivité politique différent, leurs pensées peuvent interagir et se rencontrer lorsque les bons outils analytiques sont mobilisés. Il s’agira d’abord de dégager deux formes d’action en tant que déterminant de la condition humaine, ainsi que comme moteur de la construction d’un monde commun et condition à la liberté chez Hannah Arendt et Frantz Fanon. Ensuite, parce que l’action humaine possède un pouvoir en face de la violence, il sera question de révéler les potentiels de libération et de liberté de l’action dans des contextes violents, tels qu’envisagés par les deux philosophes. Nous souhaitons en somme illustrer comment Hannah Arendt et Frantz Fanon fournissent ensemble les clés d’utilisation de l’action contre la violence, pour la liberté et et la construction d’un monde commun. / This Master’s thesis explores the conditioning exercised by violence on the human capacity for action through the writings of two major philosophers of the twentieth century: Hannah Arendt and Frantz Fanon. Often placed in dialogue for the differences between their thought on the concept on violence, Arendt and Fanon have however rarely seen their philosophy of action been the object of a discussion in political philosophy. We thus aim at bridging this gap for further research in political thought and phenomenology, two fields in philosophy to which they have both hugely contributed. In the following chapters, we will first define in detail two forms of action, as well as different incarnations of violence in the major works of Arendt and Fanon. Even though important conceptual discrepancies can be identified between their respective lines of thought, it will appear that their conclusions can interact and share common grounds when the right analytical lenses are taken. We will then move on to prove that with both thinkers, human action holds a power against violence, and possesses potentials for liberation from oppressive political contexts. In the end, we wish to illustrate how Hannah Arendt and Frantz Fanon can provide together, by the means of their distinct yet complementary philosophies, the keys for human action to fight violence in the goal of establishing new communities and attaining radical forms of freedom.

The thesis revolves around the question of whether state and non-state actors’ responses to the refugee crises are restricting the rights of refugees by introducing privatization of security. The thesis studies the experiences of refugees in offshore immigration detention centres of Australia and the UN operated refugee camps, which are highly privatized or are in a process of privatization. The thesis rests on the theoretical framework provided by Hannah Arendt which explains why human rights are failing refugees in this context, and how they remain meaningless until the 'right to have rights' is incorporated as a basic right. The thesis argues that privatization of security is harmful and results in increased human rights violations and that the private military and security companies are a way of delegating as well as deflecting responsibility that state actors and non-state actors have towards refugees. The thesis also raises the possibility of private resettlement programs as one of the solutions to ensure the right of belongingness is translated practically by giving refugees a community. / Graduate

This paper aims to analyze the philosophical implications of the atomic bomb in the thinking of three German post-war philosophers: Günther Anders, Hannah Arendt, and Karl Jaspers. Although they differ greatly in interest and philosophical perspective, the atomic bomb can be discerned as a problem of humanity's technological, ethical, and political conditions in the intersection of their authorships. In the examination of their ideas, they are situated within a diachronic tradition of philosophy of technology. Their common entanglement with phenomenological-hermeneutic philosophy is also considered, most notably in the form of the influence of Martin Heidegger. For Anders, the atomic bomb is the defining feature of the ethical and political conditions of post-war humanity, yet humans are unable to grasp its reality. In the thinking of Jaspers, the bomb necessitates a supra-political principle grounded in the faculty of reason. For him, politics in the nuclear age must rest upon the responsibility of the many individuals, in an ethical re-birth of humanity. Arendt primarily understands the bomb as a product of the increasing power of the thoughtless instrumentality of science. The destructive potential of atomic weapons solidifies to her a crisis in the meaning of politics, in which brute force has undermined political power. All three thinkers share the view that the atomic bomb must be understood in conjunction with a certain thought- and meaninglessness in the science and politics of their contemporary. The bomb also signifies to them a technological obscuring of human agency, the implications of which are exacerbated by the fact that it has also immensely improved the ability of one individual to commit heinous acts. In impairing the conditions for ethical action and meaningful politics for lasting peace, the bomb necessitates these very same principles. By threatening to make humanity as mortal as only individuals had been before, the bomb has made radical change in human thinking and activity urgent. However, to what extent sufficient adaptations are probable, or even possible, is a question in which the philosophers discussed in this paper diverge.