This dissertation investigates regime-based efforts by states to cooperate in providing assistance and protection to refugees since 1648. It argues from a constructivist perspective that state interests and identities are shaped both by other actors in the international system - including norm entrepreneurs, non-governmental organizations, and international organizations - and by the broader normative environment. Refugees are a by-product of this environment. Fundamental institutions - including territoriality, popular sovereignty, and international law - formed a system in which exit was one of the few mechanisms of survival for those who were religiously and politically persecuted. This led states to recognize that people who were so persecuted were different from ordinary migrants and had a right to flee their own state and seek accommodation elsewhere. States recognized this right to leave, but did not recognize a requirement that any given state had a responsibility to accept these refugees. This contradiction creates a dilemma in international relations, one which states have sought to solve through international cooperation. The dissertation explores policy change within the United States and Great Britain at the international and domestic levels in order to understand the tensions within current refugee protection efforts. Three regimes, based in different normative understandings, have framed state cooperation. In the first, during the 19th century, refugees were granted protections under domestic and then bilateral law through extradition treaties. The second, in the interwar period, saw states taught by norm entrepreneurs that multilateral organizations could successfully assist refugees, though states remained unwilling to provide blanket assistance and be bound by international law. These issues led to the failure of states to accommodate Jewish refugees fleeing from Germany in the 1930s. The third, since the Second World War, had a greater consistency among its norms, especially recognition by states of the need for international law. Once again, this process was shaped by other actors, including the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). This regime has been challenged by increased refugee numbers and restrictions on the part of states, but its central purpose remains robust due to the actions of actors such as the UNHCR.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Case Western Reserve University, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 318-337). Also issued online.

Thesis (doctoral) - Universitat, Marburg, 2007. / Titre de l'écran-titre (visionné le Nov. 10, 2008). In Springer Link (Monographies électroniques). Versement en lot.

Dissertation (Ph.D.)--University of South Florida, 2006. / Title from PDF of title page. Document formatted into pages; contains 396 pages. Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references.

No description available.

The scope of the thesis is to study India's nuclear behavior and the international responses in the period following India's nuclear weapons tests in 1998 leading up to the waiver for India by the nuclear suppliers group in 2008. The thesis explores this process of nuclear reconciliation in the context of a quest for international nuclear legitimacy. Nuclear legitimation is understood as a two-sided process and the explanation assumes two sides to the story: the Indian side and the audience side. Grounding the conceptualization within a theoretical framework of constructivism, the thesis explores the legitimation strategies employed by the Indian government to assuage international apprehensions about its possession of nuclear weapons. Additionally, the thesis analyzes how and why selected states in the international audience received and responded to India's strategies. In doing so, the thesis acknowledges but goes beyond an apparent power and interest explanation underlined by geo-political/security considerations and economic/trade interests - to include an analysis of shared norms and beliefs that constituted a basis for legitimacy judgments, circumscribed the interaction between India and other states, induced certain responses on the audience side and made possible certain claims on the Indian side. The principal argument is that normative evaluations and ideational factors served as important resources on both sides and also played an important role in determining the timing as well as the nature of nuclear reconciliation with India. By allowing a strategic employment of different arguments that appealed to the different states in the targeted audience, a legitimation process reduced the political, economic and diplomatic costs for the Indian government. Similarly, it enabled other states in the audience to support (as the P3: France, Russia and United Kingdom did), not come in the way (as the game-changers: Australia, Canada, Germany and Japan did) or not block India-specific waiver (as the white knights: Ireland, Austria, Norway, New Zealand, Sweden and Switzerland did) - and to justify their responses, cost-effectively.

This thesis makes a unique contribution in exploring the relationship between international legal commitments and women's poverty. Three normative arguments underpin this thesis. First, that poverty is a gender-based phenomenon. Second, that gender-based poverty is a obstacle to human rights. Third, if the promise of human rights is to be realised for all people it is necessary to move gender-based poverty into the realm of international human rights law. The ideal place to theorise on the relationship between human rights and gender-based poverty is CEDAW. Notwithstanding that CEDAW addresses civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights and negative cultural attitudes on women, there is no substantive provision in CEDAW requiring State to ameliorate gender-based poverty. The first part of my thesis argues that this gap can be overcome by an evolutionary interpretation of CEDAW. I make the argument, that equality and non-discrimination, two norms that permeate all of CEDAW, can be interpreted to incorporate the harms of gender-based poverty comprehensively into the treaty framework. I use public international law interpretative framework and the Committee's own work to demonstrate that the commitment to eliminating discrimination against women and achieving gender equality in CEDAW necessarily requires State to respect, protect and fulfill the human rights of women in poverty. The second part of thesis shifts to examine how this interpretation can be integrated into the work of the Committee. To ensure a coherent and comprehensive approach to gender-based poverty that is consistent with my proposed interpretation of CEDAW in I propose: (i) modifications to the State reporting guidelines and (ii) a comprehensive General Recommendation on women and poverty. This thesis lays the necessary theoretical and practical groundwork so that the Committee and other relevant national and international actors can hold States accountable for women in poverty's human rights.

In recent years, there has been increasing realisation that resource based conflicts constitute one of the most salient threats to the survival of mankind, namely, water. In particular, the fundamental link between water and security can no longer be ignored given the indispensable role of water in the sustenance of human life as well as crucial sectors of agriculture and industry. Since the flow of water does not respect political boundaries, co-operation in the utilisation of dwindling supplies remains the most sustainable option for the future in an era of ecological interdependence. This thesis endeavours to investigate the impact of water as a security issue on the Middle East peace process. This is done within the theoretical framework that is provided by the schools of complex interdependence and new security studies. With the demise of the cold war, and the emergence of an expanded security agenda, water is an important non-military threat especially in the Middle East region. However, even with an expanded security agenda, the case of the Middle East suggests that it remains difficult to discard the hierarchy of security issues advocated by the Realists. The ongoing debate between the schools of complex interdependence and Realism is instructive in determining whether co-operation over water issues, considered "low" politics, is attainable in the absence of resolving "high" politics concerns of territory and security. Given its profound security implications for the Middle East region, water has been accorded a central role in both the bilateral and multilateral peace negotiations. In the context of water scarcity, and rising demographic patterns, the role of water as a facilitator of regional co-operation remains critical. However, for multilateral co-operation over water resources to become a tangible reality, it is the contention of this thesis that both "low" politics issues of water and "high" polities concerns of territory as well as security must be addressed simultaneously.

La répression du crime organisé est un enjeu essentiel de la coopération internationale. Le blanchiment de l’argent provenant d’activités illicites est la phase finale des trafics de toutes natures qui se développent en profitant des nouvelles technologies et de la globalisation des échanges. Les profits des activités criminelles infiltrent les activités économiques légales. Le blanchiment apparaît alors comme une menace contre la stabilité économique mondiale. La détection des mouvements financiers suspects est indispensable pour éviter la contamination du système financier par la criminalité transnationale. L’assainissement des activités économiques à l’échelle mondiale implique l’engagement de tous les états. Les droits nationaux mettent en œuvre de nombreux instruments internationaux qui criminalisent le blanchiment et organisent l’entraide judiciaire. Le système bancaire privé tient un rôle important dans ce dispositif juridique. Les faits montrent que les circuits du crime organisé sont utilisés par les organisations terroristes pour se financer. La capacité du terrorisme à contrôler de vastes territoires et à commettre des attentats partout dans le monde est une menace contre la sécurité internationale. Couper les circuits de financement du terrorisme est un objectif prioritaire. Il a conduit les états à étendre leur coopération et à perfectionner la surveillance des transactions financières et en adaptant les mesures répressives aux spécificités du terrorisme. Les Émirats arabes unis, place financière et commerciale de premier plan dans le Golfe, prennent toute leur part dans la lutte contre l’argent du crime et contre le financement du terrorisme / The repression of organized crime is a key issue of International cooperation. The laundering of money from illicit activities is the final phase of trafficking of all kinds, which is taking advantage of new technologies and the globalization of trade. Profits from criminal activities infiltrate legal economic activities. Money laundering then appears to be a threat to global economic stability. The detection of suspicious financial movements is essential to avoid the contamination of the financial system by transnational crime. The consolidation of economic activities on a global scale implies the commitment of all states. National laws implement many International instruments that criminalize money laundering and organize mutual legal assistance. The private banking system plays an important role in this legal system. The facts show that organized crime circuits are used by terrorist organizations to finance themselves. Terrorism's ability to control large areas and to carry out attacks around the world is a threat to International security. Cutting the financing of terrorism channels is a priority objective. It has led states to extend their cooperation and to improve the supervision of financial transactions and by adapting repressive measures to the specificities of terrorism. The United Arab Emirates, the leading financial and commercial center in the Gulf, is playing its part in the fight against crime money and the financing of terrorism

168 p. / Submitted by Santiago Fabio (fabio.ssantiago@hotmail.com) on 2012-12-18T16:35:21Z No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_mateus_santos_da_silva.pdf: 1410735 bytes, checksum: c1d0091778aaf52f68d4841ee7c638e9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-12-18T16:35:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_mateus_santos_da_silva.pdf: 1410735 bytes, checksum: c1d0091778aaf52f68d4841ee7c638e9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / A partir da consolidação do conceito de desenvolvimento sustentável, enquanto um novo modelo de desenvolvimento do capitalismo, associado ao processo concomitante, de inserção da temática ambiental no cenário político internacional, no contexto da globalização caracterizada pelo aumento dos fluxos financeiros, econômicos, culturais, dentre outros e com reflexo direto na maior porosidade entre nas noções de interno e externo, a partir da maior atuação dos atores não-estatais no cenário internacional e pelo processo de reformulação do Estado frente às novas demandas desencadeadas durante esse processo, o presente trabalho se concentra na análise da atuação do Global Environment Facility, enquanto um fundo internacional criada nos anos 1990, para fornecer suporte financeiro aos países em desenvolvimento dentro de temas ligados ao meio ambiente, no processo de construção da política externa ambiental brasileira, entre os anos de 1994 e 2010. O trabalho apresenta uma abordagem predominantemente qualitativa, assim como se caracteriza enquanto uma pesquisa explicativa quanto aos seus fins, utilizando-se de pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, aliado ao desenvolvimento de entrevistas semi-estruturadas com atores-chave para a realização do trabalho. A cooperação internacional, dentro do contexto apresentado, é construída a partir da teoria dos regimes e também da abordagem da governança, como base para a caracterização tanto da organização estudada quanto das mudanças na política externa brasileira durante a década de 1990, e dos impactos dessas mudanças na política ambiental do Brasil, com atuação direta do Fundo, enquanto principal financiador dos projetos e políticas desenvolvidas pelo país na construção das respostas aos compromissos assumidos pelo governo nas quatro convenções internacionais que o Brasil faz parte e que têm o Fundo como instrumento oficial de financiamento, com ênfase especial, para a Convenção sobre Diversidade Biológica e a Convenção das Nações Unidas sobre Mudanças Climáticas. / Salvador