This thesis identifies some of the new muckraking journalists writing for American newspapers and the role they are playing in the 1970's. To identify the modern muckrakers, questionnaires were sent to 50 newspaper journalists asking them-to define the term, discuss who's muckraking today and whether or not they consider themselves muckrakers. An additional 100 questionnaires were sent to all U.S. Senators asking them if newspapers in their state indulge in muckraking, character assassination and trial by newspaper. If so, they were asked to identify the newspaper, specific examples and name those reporters doing the muckraking. Senators were asked not to identify themselves on the returned questionnaire.As the result of this thesis it has been determined that muckraking is a bona fide practice today. However, many of those participating in this type of journalism prefer to call it investigative reporting. It was also determined that U.S. Senators are reluctant to make their views on the subject known, as only a small percentage answered the questionnaire.

In a prison cell in Johannesburg in 1953 after months of solitary confinement Ruth First, one of South Africa's finest investigative joumalists, attempted to commit suicide. In a sense, information for this thesis has been gathered around the question of why First felt her life had reached a point where she wished it extinguished. The answer involves who she was, what she believed in and her perception at that moment in time of the magnitude of the defeat of all she had worked for. But this question has broader implications - it has been asked because its answer throws light not only on the particular joumalist, but on the radical press and on the political movements which gave it both life and readers. This study is divided into six sections: Origins and influences looks, firstly, at early Jewish migrations and Ruth's life up to the end of her schooling in Johannesburg, then at her university years and the influence on her life of the Communist Party of South Africa. A vigorously provocative life traces debates which led to the formation of the South African Congress of Democrats and the Congress Alliance. It looks, also, at the political influence of the white Left and the radical social fratemity. Trumpeters of freedom locates the origins of the radical press tradition in South Africa, then looks at the development of the two publications to which Ruth devoted most of her time: The Guardian/New Age and Fighting Talk. Writing left focuses on First's writing in connection with three campaigns: the farm labour and the potato boycott, womens' passes and the bus boycotts. These chapters are not a history of these campaigns, but an analysis of the influence on them of First's joumalism. Word wars is about the Treason Trial of 1956. The contention here is that the trial, in which First was one of the 'chief co-conspirators ', not only put the Congress Alliance in the dock, but was about the definition of three words: communism, violence and treason. In many ways it was a trial of the language of the Left, the tools of First's trade. Shifting focus looks at the period after Sharpeville and the 1960 State of Emergency. It considers the shift in First's writing necessitated by greater political oppression, a banning order and her exploration of the writing of books. Chapter 12 considers the massive setback to the Congress Alliance of the Rivonia Trial and the tactical errors which led the Congress leadership to the conclusion that armed struggle would succeed at that point in time. The final chapter is about First's detention, and her perceived personal defeat which resulted in her attempted suicide. The Postscript looks at First's successful attempts to come to terms with both a political and personal defeat. The work effectively ends, however, with her departure from South Africa.

In this research study, the researcher investigates obstacles faced by news journalists in investigative journalism in a democracy as experienced in Botswana. Investigative journalism and democracy have a symbiotic relationship. This relationship serves to make the public sensitive about, and aware of, injustices and undemocratic practices and it could, ultimately, contribute significantly to the process of democratization (Faure 2005: 155). Unfortunately, in their endeavor to keep up with the ethos of investigative journalism, journalists meet obstacles that range from legal to financial issues. The author investigates those factors that reporters in Botswana rate as having the greatest impact on their investigative efforts. The study also assesses the attitudes of journalists in the country towards the roles and responsibilities of the fourth estate, which supports investigative reporting. Investigative journalism is centered on disclosure, described by six elements: public interest, theme, accuracy, follow-up reports, consequences and questioning the status quo (Faure 2005:160; Marron 1995:1). The researcher interrogated the current practice of investigative journalism in newsrooms in the Botswana context, by means of a self-administered questionnaire. A cumulative sum of scores of each rank order for each obstacle was used to observe the one rated the most impeding by Botswana journalists. Elementary descriptive statistics in the form of percentages were used to assess attitudes of Botswana journalists towards investigative journalism. The same method was used to assess the proportion of investigative stories in four sampled Botswana newspapers. The contents of the respective newspapers were assessed against the five elements of investigative reporting that include: theme, public interest, questioning the status quo, accuracy, follow-up reports and consequences.

Journalism is widely believed to contribute to responsive governance. But rigorous evidence is scarce. This dissertation explores whether journalism improves government responsiveness, how journalism improves government responsiveness, and the conditions under which journalism is supplied. I focus my research on Tanzania, which has experienced a rapid expansion of local and independent media since 1990, but where systems of political accountability and public service delivery remain limited. In Chapter 1, I evaluate the influence of investigative journalism on government responsiveness using a national-scale randomized controlled trial. I argue that journalism improves responsiveness by strengthening accountability relationships within Tanzania's ruling party bureaucracy. To test the argument, I collaborated with 15 regional radio stations to identify 206 communities experiencing service delivery problems like flooded roads, broken water points, and missing medical supplies. I then randomly assigned half the communities to the treatment group and half the communities to a pure control condition. In treatment communities, journalists investigated the service delivery problem, broadcast their findings on regional radio, and conducted follow up reports several months later. Seven months after the reports were broadcast, independent auditors evaluated the service delivery problem in all 206 communities. I find that treatment communities received higher audit scores on average (coefficient = 0.25 standard deviations, randomization inference p-value = 0.033), amounting to one road or water point repair in every four treated communities. In line with my argument, the reports generated observable responses by un-elected government ministries but not citizens, local government officials, or members of parliament. In Chapter 2, I evaluate two mechanisms by which journalism influences government responsiveness: informing government officials about the preferences of their constituents and motivating officials with the threat of public exposure. I first draw on surveys of 4,200 citizens and 340 leaders across 109 Tanzanian villages to document whether leaders understand, share, and respond to the policy preferences of their constituents. I then examine the effect of two overlapping treatments, each designed to capture a mechanism of journalism's influence. In the ``information'' experiment, I randomly assigned leaders to receive information about the priorities of their constituents. In the ``motivation'' experiment, I randomly assigned leaders to be contacted by journalists planning reports on a specific development issue in the leader's village. To evaluate outcomes, I developed a behavioral measure of the willingness of village leaders to lobby district council officials for development projects on behalf of their constituents. I find mixed evidence for the role of information, strong evidence for the role of motivation, and no evidence for complimentary between the two mechanisms. In Chapter 3, I analyze the supply of local journalism in Tanzania. I combine three original data sets: a comprehensive history of radio station ownership in Tanzania, a national survey of local journalists in Tanzania, and a hand-coded data set of every news story published by local radio stations in Tanzania over a five month period. I show that despite a rapid rise in the number of local and independent media stations in Tanzania and a journalistic culture that is generally supportive of ``watchdog journalism,'' the slant of local news coverage in Tanzania remains overwhelmingly pro-government. The most dramatic bias occurs at stations owned by the government and stations owned by individuals with significant business interests outside the radio station, while the bias at radio stations controlled by individuals affiliated with the ruling party is surprisingly muted. Media market competition is also associated with reduced pro-government bias.

by Xing Rong. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 78-81). / Abstract also in Chinese. / ABSTRACT --- p.ii / ACKNOWLEDGMENTS --- p.iii / Chapter CHAPTER I --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter CHAPTER II --- Conceptualization --- p.17 / Chapter CHAPTER III --- Method --- p.30 / Chapter CHAPTER IV --- Results --- p.37 / Chapter CHAPTER V --- Discussion & Conclusion --- p.70 / REFERENCES --- p.77 / TABLES --- p.81 / FIGURES --- p.94 / APPENDIX --- p.96

據稿本複印 / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學硏究院傳播學部,1993. / 參考文獻: leaves 88-92 / 許冬華. / Chapter 1. --- 引言 --- p.1 / Chapter 2. --- 理論架構 --- p.3 / Chapter 2.1 --- 批判研究與馬克思理論 / Chapter 2.2 --- 政治經濟學觀點與傳統馬克思理論 / Chapter 2.3 --- 媒介擁有者對媒介的影響 / Chapter 2.4 --- 廣告對媒介的影響 / Chapter 3. --- 澳門概況 --- p.19 / Chapter 3.1 --- 澳門的政治情況 / Chapter 3.2 --- 澳門的經濟狀況 / Chapter 3.3 --- 澳門的傳媒 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- 報業簡史 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- 現代澳門報業 / Chapter 4. --- 假設及研究方法 --- p.33 / Chapter 4.1 --- 假設 / Chapter 4.2 --- 量度與研究樣本 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- 因變量一報導傾向 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- 自變量一報章擁有者與中國勢力的密切程度 / Chapter 4.2.3 --- 自變量一報章廣告來源依賴中國勢力程度 / Chapter 4.3 --- 訪問 / Chapter 5 . --- 研究結果與分析 --- p.45 / Chapter 5.1 --- 報章擁有者與報導傾向 / Chapter 5.1.1 --- 報導篇幅 / Chapter 5.1.2 --- 報導位置 / Chapter 5.1.3 --- 報導取向 / Chapter 5.1.4 --- 小结 / Chapter 5.2 --- 廣告來源與報導傾向 / Chapter 5.3 --- 廣告來源與澳門報業結構 / Chapter 6 . --- 討論及總結 --- p.70 / 註釋 --- p.76 / 書目 --- p.88 / 附錄一：編碼表 --- p.93 / 附錄二 ： 候選人名單 --- p.95

by Yuet-lin Lee. / Thesis (M.Ph.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1987. / Bibliography: leaves 137-142.

張勁駒. / "2006年1月" / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2006. / 參考文獻(leaves 72-80). / "2006 nian 1 yue" / Abstracts also in English. / Zhang Jingju. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2006. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 72-80). / 鳴謝 --- p.i / Chapter 第一章： --- 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 一： --- 引言 --- p.1 / Chapter 二： --- 居港權事件的背景 --- p.3 / Chapter 三： --- 居港權事件報道的硏究 --- p.7 / Chapter 第二章： --- 文獻回顧 --- p.9 / Chapter 一： --- 框架理論 --- p.9 / Chapter 二： --- 議程設置理論 --- p.14 / Chapter 三： --- 對引入議程設置的批評 --- p.25 / Chapter 四： --- 批評的回應：建構新聞框架的有效條件 --- p.25 / Chapter 第三章： --- 理論框架 --- p.27 / Chapter 一： --- 理論框架與硏究假設 --- p.27 / Chapter 二： --- 理論貢獻 --- p.29 / Chapter 第四章： --- 硏究方法 --- p.30 / Chapter 第五章： --- 硏究結果 --- p.32 / Chapter 一： --- 報道居港權事件的新聞數量 --- p.32 / Chapter 二： --- 十個主要新聞框架 --- p.34 / Chapter 三： --- 建構新聞框架的有效條件 --- p.41 / Chapter 四： --- 新聞來源的選擇 --- p.52 / Chapter 第六章： --- 總結 --- p.65 / Chapter 一： --- 建構新聞框架的有效條件 --- p.65 / Chapter 二： --- 新聞來源的選擇準則 --- p.67 / Chapter 三： --- 硏究限制 --- p.69 / Chapter 四： --- 結語 --- p.70 / 英文參考文獻 --- p.72 / 中文參考文獻 --- p.79 / 網站資料 --- p.80

The main aim of this study was to investigate which factors are likely to affect the probability that events of violent collective action are reported by the press in KwaZulu-Natal. The study hypothesised that the likelihood of violent conflict events being reported by the press is affected by certain characteristics of the events themselves, such as their intensity and size, and by the environment in which events occur, such as their physicai location and the prevailing political context. The study was limited to the KwaZulu-Natal province where levels of violent collective action have been the highest in the country over the past decade. This province is also home to many violence monitoring agencies, which constituted an important alternative source of information against which the reporting trends of the newspapers in the province could be compared. The main source of information used in this study was the Conflict Trends in KwaZulu-Natal project's database of collective action events, which comprises events reported by both the press and the monitoring agencies. Data on a total of 3990 violent conflict events was analysed during 1987, 1990 and 1994, in the form of comparisons between the reporting tendencies of the press and the monitors. Interviews were also conducted with reporters and editors of the daily newspapers in KwaZulu-Natal, as well as with selected monitoring agency staff members. These interviews provided valuable information about how these media operate, and the factors which constrain their violence reporting activities. The most support was found for the argument that the political context influences violence reporting by the press. Analyses suggested that in all three years studied, the press contribution to the database decreased as monthly levels of violent conflict increased. This was explained in relation to the prevailing political context. The results also showed that reporting trends changed over time. In the earlier years, the press did not appear to be more inclined to report events of larger size and intensity, or events which were close to the newspapers' base. In 1994, however, this trend was reversed. There also was no clear evidence that the States of Emergency impacted negatively on press reporting of violence in terms of the variables studied. In addition, the study concluded that both the press and the monitOring agencies had made important separate contributions to the database on violent collective action. It is, therefore, vital that systematic studies of violent conflict in KwaZulu-Natal make use of multiple sources of data. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1995.

News and public affairs on commercial radio dramatically changed following the 1996 Telecom Act, with rapid consolidation and economic efficiencies radically shrinking commercial radio's role in the provision of political information. By examining jobs data, public files, and the views of broadcast journalists, this project assesses the Act's impact through the lens of civic-minded Portland, Oregon. Because political information enables democracy, and because of radio's uniquely accessible qualities, this paper argues that market emphasis in media policy--especially in the Act's absolute manifestation--has diminished a significant channel of public discourse. Noticing radio's democratic potential, still relevant in the digital age, this work offers support for a revival of discursive opportunities on local commercial radio.