Under the brutal Khmer Rouge regime from 1975 to 1979 in Cambodia, 1.7 million people died from starvation, overwork, torture, and murder. While five senior leaders are on trial for these crimes at the Extraordinary Chambers of the Courts of Cambodia, hundreds of lower level perpetrators live amongst their victims today. This thesis examines how rural Cambodians (including victims, perpetrators, and bystanders) are coexisting after the trauma of the Khmer Rouge years, and the decades of civil war before and after. In this qualitative research study, 134 semi-structured interviews were conducted with rural villagers, government officials, and peacebuilding practitioners. Cambodian culture is characterized by conflict avoidance, and reliance on family networks, hierarchy, and patronage. Buddhism is a strong cultural influence as well. These characteristics, as well as the lack of trust resulting from the Khmer Rouge years, provided important context for this analysis of Cambodian social recovery. Research on the processes of coexistence and reconciliation inform this study (Bloomfield 2006; Huyse 2003; Kriesberg 2001; Lederach 1997; Rigby 2001). However, few studies have been done that examine community reconciliation in Cambodia (Etcheson 2005b). This thesis examines the processes of reconciliation, including interfering and facilitating factors. Processes such as building relationships and trust, and developing empathy and compassion are explored. Cambodians’ views of apologies, revenge, forgiveness, and other key concepts are reviewed. Models of coexistence, acceptance, perpetrator coping strategies, and a victim decision-making tree are presented to assist in the analysis of the data. These models provide a theoretical framework for the understanding of the situation of coexistence and reconciliation in Cambodia. The thesis suggests that Cambodians are currently living in various stages of coexistence (surface, shallow, and moderate) and have not yet approached a condition of deep reconciliation. Practical applications of the findings are suggested.

No description available.

Thesis (M.A. (Linguistics))--Mahidol University, 1984.

Cette thèse constitue la première grammaire d’envergure de la langue stieng, une langue minoritaire en danger parlée au Cambodge et au Vietnam. Si le nombre exact de locuteurs est à ce jour méconnu, la population stieng compterait 51 540 membres dans les deux pays. Ce travail se base sur deux variétés différentes de stieng, toutes deux parlées au Cambodge, dans la région de Kratie et le district de Snuol. L’étude s’appuie sur des données de première main collectées auprès de onze locuteurs, dans le cadre de trois séjours de terrain totalisant 12 mois et réalisés dans des villages traditionnels. Cette thèse répond à un double objectif : elle propose d’une part, une description d’une langue en danger encore très peu décrite, dans un cadre de linguistique typologique-fonctionnelle, génétique et aréale et, d’autre part, le développement de thématiques particulières. Ce travail propose dans un premier temps une introduction sociolinguistique de la langue dans le but de contextualiser la recherche. Puis, les thèmes linguistiques abordés dans cette thèse couvrent la phonologie et la morphosyntaxe. La partie phonologique propose une synthèse de la phonologie du stieng dans une perspective comparative et diachronique. La partie morphosyntaxe est quant à elle scindée en différentes sous-parties dédiées aux catégories de mots ainsi qu’aux domaines nominal, verbal et phrastique. Une attention particulière est accordée aux thèmes de la catégorisation nominale, de la composition nominale, du temps-aspect-mode (TAM), des constructions verbales en série et de l'expression de l’espace. Les annexes de cette thèse présentent des informations complémentaires au sujet de la situation des minorités du Cambodge, des éléments relatifs à l’analyse phonologique ainsi que trois textes, glosés et traduits, extraits d'une base de données plus ample compilée dans le cadre des séjours de terrain. / This dissertation is the first far-ranging grammar of Stieng, a language of oral tradition of the Môn-Khmer group, spoken in Cambodia and Vietnam. If the exact number of speakers is currently unknown, the whole Stieng community may group 51 540 members in both countries. This dissertation is based on two different varieties of Stieng, both spoken in Cambodia (Kratie province, Snuol district). This study relies on primary data obtained among 11 speakers, within three fieldtrips realized in traditional villages, for a total duration of 12 months. This dissertation achieves a double objective by proposing a description of an endangered language, so far very little described, in a functional-typological, areal and genetic framework and by developing specific topics. The dissertation starts with a sociolinguistic introduction of the language in order to contextualize the research. Then the linguistic topics covered in the dissertation include the phonology and the morphosyntax. The phonology part gives a summary of the phonology of the language in a comparative and diachronic perspective. The morphosyntax part is divided into different subparts respectively dedicated to word classes and the nominal, verbal and phrase domains. Special attention is given to the topics of nominal categorization, nominal composition, tense-aspect-mood (TAM), verbal serialization and the expression of space. The appendices provide additional information about the situation of minority peoples of Cambodia, further elements about the phonological analysis and three texts, glossed and translated, extracted from a larger database compiled during the fieldtrips.

Louis Delaporte est un personnage méconnu de l’histoire de l’étude de l’art khmer en France. Il a cependant occupé, entre sa première mission aux ruines khmères, en 1873, et sa démission du Musée indochinois du Trocadéro, en 1924, une place centrale dans l’archéologie de l’Asie du Sud-Est. Cette thèse fournit un premier éclairage sur le travail entrepris par Delaporte pour faire connaître l’art khmer, et constituer une collection d’œuvres devant servir de base pour son étude. Des sources inédites (correspondance familiale, documents de travail conservés par la famille Delaporte et le musée Guimet) permettent de retracer le parcours professionnel de Louis Delaporte, de sa première visite sur le site d’Angkor, en 1866, au développement du Musée indochinois du Trocadéro, entre 1884 et 1924. Si la concentration du travail de Delaporte autour de l’art khmer est fortuite (sa première mission aux ruines khmères a ainsi été conçue comme l’étape initiale d’un voyage plus large d’exploration du Tonkin), il développe cependant dès son retour en France une stratégie réfléchie pour assurer aux œuvres rapportées de son séjour une place de choix sur la scène scientifique française. Grâce à la création d’un très vaste réseau, dans l’administration aussi bien que dans les milieux scientifiques, Louis Delaporte devient ainsi, dès les années 1880, un personnage incontournable dans l’étude des monuments khmers. Faute des connaissances nécessaires, il ne réussira cependant jamais à s’imposer comme le fer de lance de l’archéologie khmère, et se concentrera plutôt sur le développement d’une collection destinée à devenir, en France, indispensable à qui s’intéresse à l’archéologie khmère. / Louis Delaporte is an underrated character in the history of the study of Khmer art in France. Between his first travel to the Khmer ruins, in 1873, and his resignation from the Musée indochinois du Trocadéro, in 1924, he held, however, a central position in the archeology of Southeast Asia. This thesis provides a first insight into the work undertaken by Delaporte to make Khmer art renowned, and provide a collection of art works meant to be the basis of its study. Unpublished sources (family letters, working papers kept by the Delaporte family and the musée Guimet) help relate Louis Delaporte’s career, from his first visit to Angkor, in 1866, to the development of the Musée indochinois du Trocadéro, between 1884 and 1924. If the focus of Delaporte’s work on Khmer art is born of fortuitous circumstances (his first travel to the Khmer ruins was designed to be the inital step of a broader exploration trip to Tonkin), he however developed a conscious strategy to ensure the works of art he brought back became prominent in French scientific circles. Thanks to the creation of a vast network, in the administration as well as in scientific circles, Louis Delaporte became, in the 1880s, a key character in the study of Khmer monuments. Due to his lack of knowledge, however, Delaporte never succeded in becoming the spearhead of Khmer archeology, and focused instead more on the development of a collection designed to become, in France, essential to whoever had an interest in Khmer archeology.

Lorsqu'en 1917 le peintre George Groslier (1887·1945) répond au souhait des autorités coloniales de créer à Phnom Penh une école d'art, il propose un vaste programme de«rénovation des arts cambodgiens». S'il définit ceux-ci comme étant «universels», pratiqués par tous, du paysan à l'artiste du Palais, les arts qu'il entend « rénover» sont pourtant ceux qui de tout temps, ont été l'apanage du Palais. Le «Service des arts cambodgiens» qu'il dirige dès 1919 conserve, reformule et exalte un art d’origine palatiale qu'aucune disposition idéologique ne le destinait à promouvoir. Cette étude s'attache à comprendre les modalités de la reprise d'une prérogative royale au profit de l'entreprise coloniale française et entend démontrer que si l'entreprise de Groslier semble marquée de l'empreinte de sa «doctrine», elle s'insère dans faisceau d'initiatives françaises et cambodgiennes qui invitent à relativiser sa singularité. L'étude de l'histoire du Service des arts, observatoire de l'action coloniale de la France au Cambodge, révèle la place centrale du patrimoine khmer dans les relations entre l'administration coloniale et les élites cambodgiennes, avant comme après l'indépendance. Dans la définition qu'en donne Groslier convergent le système de légitimation de l'aristocratie fondé sur le retour à l'âge d'or angkorien, et la mission civilisatrice française qui se vit en protecteur d'un peuple khmer déchu depuis la fin d'Angkor. Cette convergence empiriquement saisie par le premier administrateur colonial né au Cambodge éclaire en grande partie la portée de son action culturelle et sa postérité. / When in 1917 the painter George Groslier (1887-1945) responds to the wish of the colonial authorities to create a school of art in Phnom Penh, he proposes a vast program of ''restoration of the Cambodian arts". If he defines those as “universal”, being practised by all, from the peasant to the artist of the Palace, the arts he intends to "renovate" are however those that have always been the prerogative of the Palace. The "Service des arts cambodgiens" that he directs by 1919 preserves, reformulates and exalts an art of palatial origin that no ideological provision intended him to promote. This study attempts to understand the terms of the resumption of a royal prerogative to the benefit of the French colonial initiative and intends to demonstrate that if Groslier's action seems marked with the imprint of his “doctrine”, it is part of a set of initiatives both French and Cambodian that invite us to relativize its singularity. The study of the history of the Service des arts, observatory of the colonial action of France in Cambodia, reveals the central place of the Khmer heritage in the relations between the colonial administration and the Cambodian elites, before as well as after independence. In Groslier’s definition, the system of legitimation of the aristocracy based on the return of the Angkorian golden age converges with the French civilizing mission, which lives as a protector of Khmer people, fading away since the fall of Angkor. This convergence, empirically seized by the first colonial administrator born in Cambodia mainly clarifies the scope of its cultural action and its posterity.

<p>The aim of this thesis is to analyze the relationship between the Khmer Rouge tribunal in Cambodia and the national reconciliation process. A qualitative method involving secondary source analysis as well as field study interviews is being used. The point of departure is a theoretical framework of reconciliation assembled from different sources, as there seems to be no coherent and widely accepted framework available for use. An analysis model is constructed, focusing on the concepts of justice and truth. The findings indicate that reconciliation is nowhere near fulfillment, although a few steps towards national reconciliation have been taken. The Cambodian process of reconciliation is only at its earliest stages. Furthermore, the findings suggest that there is a strong relationship between the tribunal and the reconciliation process, inasmuch as the tribunal is perceived to have positive effects on reconciliation, and that continued reconciliation would not be possible without the tribunal. The tribunal is not the only part in reconciliation though, it is a necessary but not sufficient precondition for continued reconciliation. The tribunal can not bring reconciliation close to fulfillment on its own, other mechanizms must be involved in order to do so.</p>

Doctor of Philosophy / The relationship between the Angkorian Empire and its capital is important for understanding how this state was sustained. The empire’s political economy is studied by analysing data from Pre-Angkorian and Angkorian period inscriptions in aggregated form, in contrast to previous studies which relied mainly on detailed reading of the texts. The study is necessarily broad to overcome the constraints of having relatively few inscriptions which relate to a selected range of topics, and are partial in viewpoint. The success of the pre-modern Khmer state depended on: its long-established communication and trade links; mutual support of rulers and regional elites; decentralised administration through regional centres; its ability to produce or acquire a surplus of resources; and a network of temples as an ideological vehicle for state integration. The claim that there was a centrally controlled command economy or significant redistribution of resources, as for archaic, moneyless societies is difficult to justify. The mode of control varied between the core area and peripheral areas. Even though Angkor did not have money, it used a unit of account. Despite being an inland agrarian polity, the Khmer actively pursued foreign trade. There are indications of a structure, perhaps hierarchical, of linked deities and religious foundations helping to disseminate the state’s ideology. The establishment of these foundations was encouraged by gifts and privileges granted to elite supporters of the rulers. Contrary to some views, Angkor was not excessively rigid or unusually hierarchical and autocratic when compared with contemporary analogous states. Its political economy is marked by three simultaneous cycles indicative of changing power relationships: cycles of royal inscriptions; of non-royal inscriptions; and fluctuating control over peripheral territories. Its processes and strategies were sufficiently flexible for it to endure as an empire for approximately six centuries, despite internal and external disturbances.

Doctor of Philosphy(PhD) / This thesis develops and evaluates the utility of an operational approach to the archaeological study of transport in empires, focussed specifically on the remains of the transport system built by the Khmer Empire (9th to 15th centuries CE) that radiated out from the capital of Angkor to its provincial centres across mainland Southeast Asia. Previous research on the Angkorian transportation system has focussed on culture historical approaches while interpretations of the systemic construction and function are largely linked to one ruler, Jayavarman VII (1181-1219 CE), through a single inscription. The operational approach used in this thesis is derived from an integration of several theoretical and methodological perspectives: 1) Transport Geography theory (i.e., nodes, links, cultural function); 2) historical examples of transport components (i.e., rest stops, roads) and the ‘life-cycle’ concepts that characterize them (i.e., planning, seasonality,); 3) the range of methods that archaeologists use to locate, describe and analyse artefacts of transportation; and 4) identification of the general imperial requirements of transportation (i.e., shifting boundaries, control over resources). A comprehensive investigation of the spatial, temporal and functional aspects of the Angkorian transport system identifies a general plurality of development and function. Results of this study show: 1) there is no single unified transport plan; 2) the transport components, including the routes over which the roads were formalized, were the product of developments between the 11th to 13th centuries CE; and 3) site and resource location indicate that the land- and riverine-based transport systems served different yet complementary functions. From this study new directions for research are identified emphasizing the role of transportation at various scales and in various aspects of Angkorian society. The operational approach is viewed as a vital step in connecting the diverse requirements and activities of empires within an integrated and methodologically-rigorous framework.

Doctor of Philosophy / The relationship between the Angkorian Empire and its capital is important for understanding how this state was sustained. The empire’s political economy is studied by analysing data from Pre-Angkorian and Angkorian period inscriptions in aggregated form, in contrast to previous studies which relied mainly on detailed reading of the texts. The study is necessarily broad to overcome the constraints of having relatively few inscriptions which relate to a selected range of topics, and are partial in viewpoint. The success of the pre-modern Khmer state depended on: its long-established communication and trade links; mutual support of rulers and regional elites; decentralised administration through regional centres; its ability to produce or acquire a surplus of resources; and a network of temples as an ideological vehicle for state integration. The claim that there was a centrally controlled command economy or significant redistribution of resources, as for archaic, moneyless societies is difficult to justify. The mode of control varied between the core area and peripheral areas. Even though Angkor did not have money, it used a unit of account. Despite being an inland agrarian polity, the Khmer actively pursued foreign trade. There are indications of a structure, perhaps hierarchical, of linked deities and religious foundations helping to disseminate the state’s ideology. The establishment of these foundations was encouraged by gifts and privileges granted to elite supporters of the rulers. Contrary to some views, Angkor was not excessively rigid or unusually hierarchical and autocratic when compared with contemporary analogous states. Its political economy is marked by three simultaneous cycles indicative of changing power relationships: cycles of royal inscriptions; of non-royal inscriptions; and fluctuating control over peripheral territories. Its processes and strategies were sufficiently flexible for it to endure as an empire for approximately six centuries, despite internal and external disturbances.