In this paper, we will construct a quantity-setting mixed duopoly market model, in which a individual enterprise and a privatization public enterprise. Two enterprises carry out Cournot competition, in order to analyse the economic result of privatization. The traditional economic theory is supposed, the individual enterprise pursues the maximization of profits, and the public enterprise pursues the social welfare maximization. This text introduces the trade union in the model, consider how many shares the government should hold the privatization public enterprise. If the privatization policy needs to pass the negotiation of trade union, we can make use of union-firm bargaining to analyse this problem. We find no matter complete privatization(government does not hold any shares) or the complete nationalization is not all the optimal market structure under privatization. In the past literatures, privatization perhaps can not improve the social welfare. We discover the result that if the strength of trade union change from strong to weak under the privatization policy, then the social welfare may be improved.

The secondary boycott issue has been present in the history of the American labor movement throughout the twentieth century. It has, consequently, been subjected to many of the same changes in policy by Congress, interpretation by the courts, and attitude of the public as have strikes and picketing. Secondary boycotts, however, have been handicapped much more than the other instruments of union power in as much as they have usually been treated as though they were less legitimate. This thesis will discuss the secondary boycott, and it legal status in the United States.

Thesis (M.S. in Community Research and Action)--Vanderbilt University, Aug. 2005. / Title from title screen. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--York University, 1997. Graduate Programme in Sociology. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 217-231). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ27286.

Thesis (B.A.)--University of Wisconsin, 1914.

本論文針對中共工會政策進行分析，限於實證資料取得之困難，本研究仍 以資料及法令之分析為主，包括：中共工會領導人的思想、各種有關工會 的會議文件、黨政機關所制定通過的工會相關法令，乃至於具體的工會措 施等等。概念上，本文是以政策制定的主體為區分標準，將文中所稱的「 工會政策」界定為國家來關對於工會發展所採取的態度、方針，對中共而 言則是指涉「共產黨政府」或中共「黨政機關」在大陸地區的工會政策， 而非個別工會針對工廠企業事務所自訂的「工會的政策」。在時期上，本 論文主要討論之範圍係指中共在一九七八年十二月十八日所召開的十一屆 三中全會的會議上，決定自一九七九年開始要把全黨全國的工作重點轉移 到四個現代化建設上，並採取所謂「對內改革、對外開放」政策後，在新 的政策環境下所恢後制定的工會政策。方法上，本研究結合歷史分析法途 徑與結構性的觀點，將視角從個人行為式政府決策放大到歷史與社會整體 結構之中，使研究較具有涵蓋性與整體性，除探討政策形成的靜態社會結 構關係外，也著重分析不同行為者（黨政、企業、職工、工會）之間的權 力互動關係。架構上，本研究由中共工會政策的理論思考著手，進而分析 其政策之形成與發展，將分析重點放在改革開放後中共所制定實施的工會 方針措施及運作，最後就工會政策的成效進行評估。研究結果發現，中共 目前所實施的仍為統制性的工會政策，在「黨領導工會」的原則下，會組 織仍有極強的政治屬性；而黨政機關對工會人事、業務的干預控制，更造 成工會具有官僚化與行政化傾向。

Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2004. / Rod Watts, committee chair; Gabriel Kuperminc, Roger Bakema, committee members. 119 p. [numbered vi, 113]. Description based on contents viewed Feb. 28, 2007; title from title screen. Includes bibliographical references (p. 102-109).

According to the Theory of Political Development and Modernization, the process of democratic transition is stepping as follows: totalitarianism, authoritarianism, semi-democracy and democracy. It is believed that in the times of both Changes was a period of Authoritarianism. Due to the implementation of Martial Law, the freedom of people¡¦s assembling and party organizing were restricted. It was the period that only one party-K.M.T. governed the country. Obviously operation of the government was based on the profit of the party. Besides, going on strike was illegal because of martial law. After the end of martial law, peripheral labor unions are striving to lie themselves to the offending party or labor unions, in order to get the leadership of traditional unions. ¡@¡@¡@¡@It can be concluded that the end of martial law in 1987 was a clear cut of the development of Labor Union in Taiwan. Before it, the operation of Labor Union interfered with and manipulated by K.M.T, and was closely adjoined with the development of the nation. In view of the priority of foreign trade and economic growth, the role and the function of labor union had little opportunity to bring into play during the period. Not until the end of martial law, with the change of political and economic environments as well as the rise of various social movements, the independent labor union and other labor organizations outside the system weren¡¦t established. Gradually, these labor unions were aware of the rights of labor, and were more aggressive to fight for their benefits. Indeed, they were more active than before with the result that they and their functions, gained more attention from labors and the general public. ¡@¡@In the year of 2000, when D.P.P. replaced K.M.T. as the new government, the new leadership adopted the so-called Golden Mean Policy which included the freedom, democratization of labor organizations, and the establishment of the Committee of Labor Arbitration to deal with arguments between labors and administers, and the fulfillment of the industry owner by private. All these are different greatly from ¡§economic priority¡¨ and ¡§market mechanism¡¨ accented by K.M.T. To execute new labor policy, and according to The contemporary political and economic environment as well as the trend of future development, Council of Labor Affairs began to breed the new act of reforming Labor Union with the view of protecting the rights of labor and promoting the freedom and democratization of the operation of Labor Union. Therefore, the interaction of Taiwan¡¦s labor organizations and the government in the future are still under investigating.

This study examined women’s committees in two public sector unions in British Columbia with predominantly female memberships over a twenty year period. The question addressed was how and under what circumstances the committees could secure gains for women, given a context where women remain at a power disadvantage relative to men. Gains sought were of three types: 1) improvements in contract clauses particularly beneficial to women; 2) increased female participation in union governance; and 3) structural changes conducive to future increases in female participation in union governance. Structures as defmed included both formal structures and other regularized procedures, including processes of communication, decision making and resource distribution. Based on literatures from several disciplines, a power model was developed that guided data collection. Data were collected via archival research and semi-structured interviews, and analyzed qualitatively. The study found that the structures governing how the committees operated were significant factors in committee effectiveness and that the active cooperation of the leadership and/or the membership ensured that structures conducive to committee effectiveness existed. The committees’ major challenge was to align their goals with those of the leadership or the membership in order to generate the level of support that would permit them to achieve their goals. The degree of alignment between committee and membership goals affected to what extent the committee could secure goals not supported by the leadership and was the major variable affecting committee power. However, committee power was not necessarily associated with the level of gains achieved for women because both leadership and membership actions and existing union structures could induce outcomes for women not orchestrated by the committees. As a result of this research, the initial power model was refined and the restrictions on the committees’ and leaderships’ use of power were clarified. The utility of crossing the disciplinary boundaries between organizational theory, industrial relations, and political science to explore how power is exercised in unions was demonstrated. Support for the political model of organizations was generated, suggesting that insights gained from the study of unions might advance organizational theorizing.

An inquiry into why potential adult learners, employed full time and eligible for substantial tuition assistance dollars, do not participate in formal education may be of interest to administrators within higher education, labor union leadership, and adult educators. Using a descriptive approach, this study gathered evidence from 10 adults who had not participated in formal education in at least the past 10 years. The evidence collected was used to answer the question, Why do UA W-GM active union members, contractually eligible for tuition assistance funds, not participate informal education? Evidence was compiled from two one and one-half hour interviews and from a number of telephone conversations. Much of the previous research on non participation describes barriers and constraints to participation. The informants in this study spent little time discussing why they had not participated. Their discussions instead focused on how and why they had successfully engaged in many informal learning experiences.The research method used in this study is suited to provide details that indirectly provide a basis for analysis into non-participation in formal education for the selected group of informants. Analysis is provided in Chapter V. However, Chapter IV is presented in such a way as to invite readers to develop their own insights based on this sample of unique and varied experiences. / Department of Educational Studies