According to the Theory of Political Development and Modernization, the process of democratic transition is stepping as follows: totalitarianism, authoritarianism, semi-democracy and democracy. It is believed that in the times of both Changes was a period of Authoritarianism. Due to the implementation of Martial Law, the freedom of people¡¦s assembling and party organizing were restricted. It was the period that only one party-K.M.T. governed the country. Obviously operation of the government was based on the profit of the party. Besides, going on strike was illegal because of martial law. After the end of martial law, peripheral labor unions are striving to lie themselves to the offending party or labor unions, in order to get the leadership of traditional unions. ¡@¡@¡@¡@It can be concluded that the end of martial law in 1987 was a clear cut of the development of Labor Union in Taiwan. Before it, the operation of Labor Union interfered with and manipulated by K.M.T, and was closely adjoined with the development of the nation. In view of the priority of foreign trade and economic growth, the role and the function of labor union had little opportunity to bring into play during the period. Not until the end of martial law, with the change of political and economic environments as well as the rise of various social movements, the independent labor union and other labor organizations outside the system weren¡¦t established. Gradually, these labor unions were aware of the rights of labor, and were more aggressive to fight for their benefits. Indeed, they were more active than before with the result that they and their functions, gained more attention from labors and the general public. ¡@¡@In the year of 2000, when D.P.P. replaced K.M.T. as the new government, the new leadership adopted the so-called Golden Mean Policy which included the freedom, democratization of labor organizations, and the establishment of the Committee of Labor Arbitration to deal with arguments between labors and administers, and the fulfillment of the industry owner by private. All these are different greatly from ¡§economic priority¡¨ and ¡§market mechanism¡¨ accented by K.M.T. To execute new labor policy, and according to The contemporary political and economic environment as well as the trend of future development, Council of Labor Affairs began to breed the new act of reforming Labor Union with the view of protecting the rights of labor and promoting the freedom and democratization of the operation of Labor Union. Therefore, the interaction of Taiwan¡¦s labor organizations and the government in the future are still under investigating.

Thesis (M.S.) -- Central Connecticut State University, 2009. / Thesis advisor: Xiaoping, Shen. "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in International Studies." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 70-71). Abstract available via the World Wide Web.

Thesis--Munich. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 252-268).

This thesis explores attempts by state officials to enable workers and the principal trade union, the Confédération Générate du Travail, to participate at the workplace and in the French state from 1944 to 1948. At a time of increased state intervention and new social welfare policies, workers gained new responsibilities in the comités d'entreprises, or works councils. The regional government, the commissaires, helped to initiate worker control experiments, notably at the Berliet truck plant in Lyon. By the end of 1948, however, the strength of the French labour movement had not significantly increased, either at the workplace or in the state. In their demand for greater participation, workers faced resistance from state officials, employers and even unions. State actors, such as labour inspectors, prefects, and commissaires, actively sought social peace and greater productivity in 1944-1946. At the level of the shopfloor, the new comités d'entreprises gave workers, for the first time, an official voice in the firm. However, they had no say over production decisions. Nor did worker participation extend to unskilled workers, immigrants, or women. Worker participation did not go further at the time for three reasons. Employers intensified rationalisation measures at the workplace and refused to accept new powers given to the works councils. The CGT was insufficiently committed to workplace participation. Finally, the power of the centralised state was entrenched in the domain of economic planning but did not influence the workplace sufficiently to support participation, particularly in 1946-1948. The postwar settlement that led to increased growth in the 1950s was structured around the private sector and the planning capabilities of the state, at the expense of any involvement by labour. The exclusion of workers from planning decisions and the failure of worker control attempts led not only to the strikes of 1947-1948, but to a profound degree of powerlessness that was to mark the labour movement for the next generation.

The central purpose of the thesis is to interpret in the context of theories of class structure certain developments in the industrial relations policies of British governments between 1956 and 1971. Although British sociology has long been pre-occupied with class, and although the relevance of industrial relations to the historical development of class relations is generally recognised, it is only in very recent years that a few authors have attempted class analyses of recent policy changes. The present study is probably the first to attempt a detailed analysis of the policies in this context, though the period has been one of institutional innovation rivalling the immediate postwar years. In tackling this task the thesis brings together three usually separate literatures: that on class and stratification, that on industrial relations and that on political processes. The first two of these are dealt with at length, the last less so (and perhaps, on reflection, inadequately). Nearly all the themes discussed will be found elsewhere in the literature, but originality is claimed for (i) the particular combination of themes achieved, and the relations made between them and (ii) the detailed relation of these themes to the particular body of empirical material studied. For example, the central contention examined - that recent policy developments constitute the rise of the corporate state - has very recently found its way into general discussion, but the present thesis tries to define corporatism systematically, demonstrate its place within a theory of class relations, and assess precisely the corporatist content of policies. Methodologically the thesis is unadventurous and conventional and makes no use of sophisticated techniques. Further, the great bulk of empirical material studied consists of published documents. However, it is considered that it goes beyond many conventional treatments in the extent to which its analysis of empirical material relates closely to the theoretical framework which is established. Further, although the data used are not original in the sense of having never before been exposed to public gaze, their use is original in the sense that they are studied in terms and for purposes very different from those intended by their authors. In summary, the contributions claimed for the thesis are as follows: (1) starting from a Marxian/Weberian perspective it directs attention to a central aspect of class which has been neglected in sociology's pre-occupation with problems of the identification of and subjective attitudes of classes, viz the particular combination of economic, political and ideological constraints that provide the structure of different forme of class relations; (2) it relates issues of class to recent industrial relations strategies more systematically than is usually the case in recent debates; (3) in particular, it establishes the outlines of two contrasting strategies called the Compromise and corporatism; (4) it makes use of these and other concepts to provide a sociological analysis of incomes policies and industrial relations law reform measures; (5) in less precise detail, it provides an histoire raisonée of political developments in the period concerned, interpreting them in the terms established earlier; (6) it makes an empirical study of, and relates together, certain other themes of recent literature, such as managerialism, administrative rationality as ideology, the changing role of the state and the problems this creates for existing political, ideologies.

Typescript. / Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 1987. / Bibliography: leaves 214-225. / Microfiche. / xii, 225 leaves, bound ill. 29 cm

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität Marburg.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hong Kong, 1997. / Includes bibliographical references (leaf 353-369).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Berkeley, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 382-401).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Temple University, 1992. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 321-351).