Aqui investigamos o conceito de liberdade individual na teoria de Benjamin Constant. Partimos da conferência intitulada De la Liberté des Anciens comparée à celle des Modernes, e verificamos que o contraste entre a liberdade individual dos modernos e a liberdade política dos antigos não exclui completamente da vida dos modernos a necessidade de participação política. Assim, recorremos, no segundo capítulo, a outros textos de Benjamin Constant, sobretudo aos Principes de Politique, para examinar os pressupostos da sua teoria política: o problema da soberania do povo, a construção da noção de representatividade política e a dupla autoridade da natureza e da história que fundamentam respectivamente as noções de liberdade e igualdade. No terceiro capítulo buscamos os desdobramentos do conceito de liberdade moderna, isto é, o que caracteriza o liberalismo de Constant e o diagnóstico que ele aponta sobre o indivíduo moderno. Por conseguinte, sustentamos que a peculiaridade do liberalismo de Constant é articular a liberdade civil do indivíduo e a liberdade política de participação. Mas, no grande romance seu que é Adolfo, Constant relaciona indivíduo e sociedade de uma maneira que tanto recorda sua defesa da liberdade dos modernos quanto mostra os limites desta. Nossa conclusão é portanto uma pergunta, que sustentamos estar presente no próprio Constant: qual o valor, quais as perspectivas dessa liberdade moderna? / Here we inquire the concept of individual liberty in Benjamin Constants theory. We started with the conference entitled De la Liberté des Anciens comparée à celle des Modernes, and verified that the contrast between individual liberty for the moderns and political liberty for the ancients doesnt prevent the moderns from having the necessity of political participation. Therefore, in the second chapter, other texts by Benjamin Constant are studied, mainly Principes de Politique, in order to scrutinize the background of his theory: the issue of the peoples sovereign, the creation of the idea of political representativeness, and the double authority of the nature and the history that are base for the concepts of liberty and equality, respectively. In the third chapter we analyze the implications of the concept of modern liberty, that is, what characterizes Constants liberalism and how he diagnosis the modern individual. By doing so, we affirm that what is peculiar about Constants liberalism is how he connects the civil liberty of the individual to the political liberty of participation. However, in his great novel Adolfo, Constant links individual and society in such a way that it recalls his defense of liberty in the moderns but also shows the limits of that. Our conclusion is, therefore, a question, that we affirm to be present in Constant: what value, what perspectives of this modern liberty?

Thesis advisor: Devin O. Pendas / Thesis advisor: Paul Breines / "Man's Duty to Woman: Men and the First Wave of German Feminism, 1865-1919" charts the modernization of gender relationships in Imperial Germany through an exploration of German men's engagement with both organized feminism and the so-called "Woman Question." An examination of German men's contributions (as well as challenges) to feminist newspapers, women's suffrage societies, women's educational and vocational organizations, and the discourse of expanding women's civil and political rights illuminates not only the ways in which German men helped shape the "first wave" of German feminism, but also the process by which German men were, in turn, shaped by feminism and women's breach of a male-defined public sphere during the second wave of the Industrial Revolution. While Germany is better known for its misogynistic intellectual legacy of thinkers like Arthur Schopenhauer and Friedrich Nietzsche, as well as the maxim of "Kinder, Küche, und Kirche" (children, kitchen, and church) used to describe the so-called "women's sphere," my dissertation demonstrates that the cause of German women's rights enjoyed a broad base of male support during the Imperial era and that women's reforms were pivotal to progressive liberal, socialist, and conservative social policies. My examination of male allies, therefore, counterbalances and critiques the longstanding view of Imperial German society and German men as fundamentally hostile to women's rights. Male allies of German feminism, I contend, were motivated by a twin mission to genuinely improve the lives of and opportunities for women in the industrial economy, and to utilize feminine energies--both spiritual and biological--for their own ideological designs. While these male allies retained some degree of principled commitment to expanding women's opportunities in Germany society over time, they were opportunistic men, as well, who sought to harness and direct the power of the "eternal feminine," a power which the moderate female-led feminist movement celebrated and deployed in their own work. My dissertation also considers the ways in which German men reconciled their own masculine identity with their support of reforms that ultimately undermined male hegemony. In the late 1870s, after female leaders took the helm of women's educational and vocational associations and began to embrace the rhetoric of maternalist feminism, men committed to women's reforms were forced to carve out new forms of pro-woman and feminist advocacy within, or alongside of, woman-led feminist organizations. As a result, male allies of German feminism developed a variety of masculinities. Although a few feminist men like Karl Heinzen, Georg von Gyzicki, and Hanns Dorn advocated a gentler, egalitarian masculinity that rejected most aspects of traditional masculinity, the majority of male friends of first wave feminism embodied a hyper-masculinity to balance their commitment to increasing women's social, economic, and (in some cases) political power. The act of becoming a "modern German man" in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century necessarily entailed figuring out how to retain one's manliness and maintain refuges of male authority in a world in which women were becoming ever more powerful and visible. Male allies of German feminism represent an essential case study in this project of modernizing masculinity. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2012. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar as propostas de reforma liberais democráticas de Rui Barbosa durante as décadas finais do Império e as décadas iniciais da Primeira República. Em particular suas propostas de reforma eleitoral, do ensino, do elemento servil, do federalismo, e da Constituição de 1891. A estratégia de análise consistiu em demonstrar que suas propostas de reforma estavam dialogando diretamente com o contexto histórico-político do país e também com a trajetória intelectual do proponente, isto é, quando Rui apreciava estas questões, o fazia sempre balizado pelo ideário liberal. Esse caminho analítico permitiu rever a avaliação tanto dos críticos que o idolatravam, bem como daqueles que o taxavam de idealista descolado da realidade. Ao mesmo tempo, foi possível demonstrar que Rui Barbosa não adotava necessariamente e de modo integral os princípios liberais, sem a preocupação de adequá-los aos propósitos do seu projeto político de construção de uma sociedade liberal democrática. Tais procedimentos permitiram apresentar como conclusão que as propostas reformistas de Rui Barbosa estavam atentas ao contexto histórico-político ao qual elas visavam alterar. Outrossim, no momento republicano, foi possível demonstrar uma guinada no pensamento de Rui, quando ele começou a constatar que as reformas institucionais mostravam-se insuficientes para implantar um regime democrático liberal, o que não significava que ele julgasse inadequada a transplantação de instituições liberais exógenas para o ambiente brasileiro. O político baiano pensava que, ao lado da implantação dessas instituições, deveria ocorrer uma mobilização para moralizar e educar a população. / This work purports an analysis of Rui Barbosa\'s proposals for liberal and democratic reforms along the final decades of the Brazilian Empire and the beginning decades of the First Republic. More specifically, its focus is on his proposals for electoral and educational reform, as well as reforms for slave emancipation, reforms of federalism and of the Constitution of 1891. The analytical approach adopted allowed to demonstrate that his reform proposals were directly engaged with the then current political landscape in the country and also with the proponent\'s own intellectual trajectory, meaning that Rui Barbosa\'s appreciation of those issues was informed by 19th century liberal ideology. This analytical approach made it possible to put into a new perspective both the appraisal of his apologists and the criticisms from those who considered him an idealist detached from reality. At the same time, this analysis allowed some specificities to surface, showing that Rui Barbosa did not always follow liberal thought integrally. He was careful in adapting liberal principles to his intent of giving shape to a liberal democratic society. The research findings led to the conclusion that the reformist proposals of Rui Barbosa were up-to-date with the social-political context they aimed to change. Thus, the analysis revealed that a turn in Rui Barbosas thought in the republican period seems to suggest his realization that the previous institutional reforms had shown insufficient for the implementation a liberal democratic regime, though this did not mean that he judged inadequate the importation of exogenous ideas to the Brazilian environment. The politician from Bahia thought that the implementation of such institutions should be accompanied by a mobilization aiming at moralizing and educating the population.

The Internet is a product of the organizational structure of the Office of Science and Research Development, scientific corporate liberalism of Vannevar Bush's post-WWII policies, the process-oriented rhetoric in Science: The Endless Frontier, and Kennedy's commitment to the New Frontier. This thesis first examines the network infrastructure and then the Web in succession, following the common use of the metaphor, which moved from the rhetoric of science in the 1940s to a metaphor that financially and ideologically supported the Pentagon's Advanced Research Project Agency infrastructure in the 1960s and then finally created the value-laden features of the Internet, cyberspace, and its culture in the 1990s. This thesis connects the stages of development of the Internet to uses of the frontier in political rhetoric.

In the past few years, the European Union has been affected by several terrorist attacks and many states have suffered from this. As a reaction to these terrorist attacks, the EU has adopted through treaties several strategies and measures to tackle the issues of terrorism. The purpose of this essay is to analyze the EU’s security policy between the years 2015 and 2017. Both of the main questions are answered through different theories that are provided for the essay. The first one is formulated to answer if the security policy has successfully been securitized and the other is answered through a perspective of realism and liberalism. Furthermore, the report is a qualitative idea analysis and is based on primary sources. The conclusion of the essay regarding the first question is that a complete securitization of terrorists has been fulfilled after the terrorist attacks in Paris 2015. The result regarding the second question shows that the European security policy has liberal tendencies.

The aim of this report is to analyze the Swedish security service Säkerhetspolisen (SÄPO) actions against terrorism in Sweden. The report will also focus on analyzing the new strategies that the state has implemented for SÄPO after the terrorist attack which happened in Sweden 7th of June 2017 on Drottninggatan. Both of the questions is answered through a perspective of liberalism and realism. This report is grounded on an empirical investigation method and is a qualitative idea analysis. Furthermore, to make this study reliable, the idea analysis is mostly based on primary sources. The conclusions of this report are that SÄPO’s strategies are mostly grounded on liberalized fragments, such as corporation and justice. However, the new strategies of SÄPO against terrorism have become more realistic after the attack on Drottninggatan. SÄPO will be emphasized as the main actor against terrorism. Liberalism and realism as theories will illustrate different views on how Sweden will or should provide security for the country itself.

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar o papel da religião em sociedades democráticas liberais. Inicialmente, descrevo os principais elementos das teorias exclusivas e inclusivas da religião. Os argumentos de tais teorias dizem respeito à (in)validez da justificação de razões religiosas para leis estatais de caráter coercitivo. Após apresentar estas linhas gerais, trago ao debate duas posições liberais a respeito da tolerância religiosa: primeiro, a de Ronald Dworkin, depois a de John Rawls com o intuito de defender uma concepção liberal igualitária de tolerância religiosa. Embora Rawls esteja normalmente situado entre os teóricos ditos exclusivistas, pretendo lançar mão de alguns elementos de sua teoria que sugerem, no entanto, a presença de uma certa visão inclusiva em seu argumento, ou ao menos uma visão menos restritiva de sua ideia / ideal de razão pública. Por fim, avalio os limites da teoria normativa rawlsiana ante as formulações de Jürgen Habermas a respeito dos desafios que a religião suscita em sociedades pós-seculares. / This work has the main goal of analyzing the role of religion in liberal democratic societies. First, I describe the main tenets of the exclusive and inclusive theories of religion. These theories concern the (in) validity of religious reasons to justify state laws of a coercive nature. After presenting the general outlines of the debate, I discuss how two different liberal theories, the Ronald Dworkins normative framework and then the rawlsian one, are both able to offer a liberal-egalitarian defense for a conception of religious tolerance. Although normally located among theories called exclusive I intend to use some elements of John Rawls theory that suggest, nonetheless, the presence of a certain inclusive vision in his argument, or at least a less restrictive view of his idea/ideal of public reason. Finally, I take up Jürgen Habermas assumptions on the place of religion in post-secular societies in order to test some normative limits which the theory of John Rawls must face.

Through this thesis, I aim to research about the obstacles that the current peace process in Afghanistan is facing. I also want to find out what sort of roles do the states such as USA, Russia, Pakistan and Iran have in the Afghan peace process. As Afghanistan has been a victim of war for the past three decades, this research might provide the opportunity for understanding the reasons behind the never-ending turmoil in the country. In order to conduct this research, I have used qualitative methods which consist of interviews and qualitative analysis. Besides these methods, the use of the international relations’ theories such as structural realism and interdependence liberalism have contributed tremendously in the understanding of the obstacles in the Afghan peace process including the roles of USA, Russia, Pakistan and Iran in the Afghan peace process. The conclusion of this research entails that the Afghan peace process is facing dire obstacles. These obstacles are divided into two categories; internal and external. This research’s conclusion also shows that the functions of the above-mentioned states in the Afghan peace process are solely based on their self-interests which by itself is another obstacle for the peace process. To conclude, if the obstacles, which are discussed in this study, continue to exist in the peace process it is impossible for the peace to prevail in Afghanistan.

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar as propostas de reforma liberais democráticas de Rui Barbosa durante as décadas finais do Império e as décadas iniciais da Primeira República. Em particular suas propostas de reforma eleitoral, do ensino, do elemento servil, do federalismo, e da Constituição de 1891. A estratégia de análise consistiu em demonstrar que suas propostas de reforma estavam dialogando diretamente com o contexto histórico-político do país e também com a trajetória intelectual do proponente, isto é, quando Rui apreciava estas questões, o fazia sempre balizado pelo ideário liberal. Esse caminho analítico permitiu rever a avaliação tanto dos críticos que o idolatravam, bem como daqueles que o taxavam de idealista descolado da realidade. Ao mesmo tempo, foi possível demonstrar que Rui Barbosa não adotava necessariamente e de modo integral os princípios liberais, sem a preocupação de adequá-los aos propósitos do seu projeto político de construção de uma sociedade liberal democrática. Tais procedimentos permitiram apresentar como conclusão que as propostas reformistas de Rui Barbosa estavam atentas ao contexto histórico-político ao qual elas visavam alterar. Outrossim, no momento republicano, foi possível demonstrar uma guinada no pensamento de Rui, quando ele começou a constatar que as reformas institucionais mostravam-se insuficientes para implantar um regime democrático liberal, o que não significava que ele julgasse inadequada a transplantação de instituições liberais exógenas para o ambiente brasileiro. O político baiano pensava que, ao lado da implantação dessas instituições, deveria ocorrer uma mobilização para moralizar e educar a população. / This work purports an analysis of Rui Barbosa\'s proposals for liberal and democratic reforms along the final decades of the Brazilian Empire and the beginning decades of the First Republic. More specifically, its focus is on his proposals for electoral and educational reform, as well as reforms for slave emancipation, reforms of federalism and of the Constitution of 1891. The analytical approach adopted allowed to demonstrate that his reform proposals were directly engaged with the then current political landscape in the country and also with the proponent\'s own intellectual trajectory, meaning that Rui Barbosa\'s appreciation of those issues was informed by 19th century liberal ideology. This analytical approach made it possible to put into a new perspective both the appraisal of his apologists and the criticisms from those who considered him an idealist detached from reality. At the same time, this analysis allowed some specificities to surface, showing that Rui Barbosa did not always follow liberal thought integrally. He was careful in adapting liberal principles to his intent of giving shape to a liberal democratic society. The research findings led to the conclusion that the reformist proposals of Rui Barbosa were up-to-date with the social-political context they aimed to change. Thus, the analysis revealed that a turn in Rui Barbosas thought in the republican period seems to suggest his realization that the previous institutional reforms had shown insufficient for the implementation a liberal democratic regime, though this did not mean that he judged inadequate the importation of exogenous ideas to the Brazilian environment. The politician from Bahia thought that the implementation of such institutions should be accompanied by a mobilization aiming at moralizing and educating the population.

Tolerância é um conceito complexo que tem a capacidade de velar, em certos discursos, essa mesma complexidade. Mas demonstrar a complexidade do conceito de tolerância é também denunciar a necessidade de uma ordem política e jurídica que assuma sua legitimidade na abertura aos processos e conflitos sociais de uma época pós-metafísica. Essa ordem parece ser mais bem abarcada pela teoria democrática proposta por Jürgen Habermas que, ao reformular a teoria crítica utilizando as ciências da reconstrução, pôde fundamentar a exigência de um conceito inclusivo de tolerância que se demonstra na abertura que o debate a seu respeito gerou. Neste sentido, afirma-se aqui que uma teoria crítica que trabalhe com as ciências reconstrutivas será capaz de exigir um conceito inclusivo de tolerância no âmbito de um mundo pós-metafísico, fazendo a normatividade depender tanto de estruturas de racionalidade como de sua situação histórica. Desse modo, a exigência de um conceito de tolerância inclusiva é resultado de uma teoria crítica que reconstrói padrões de racionalidade que perpassam as formas plurais da vida social contemporânea. / Tolerance is a complex concept that has the ability to hide, at certain speechs, the same complexity. But to demonstrate the complexity of the concept of tolerance is also to denounce the need for a political and legal order which takes its legitimacy in the opening to the social processes and conflicts of a post-metaphysical era. This order seems to be better embraced by democratic theory proposed by Jürgen Habermas that, by altering the critical theory using the reconstruction sciences, was able to justify the requirement for an inclusive concept of tolerance that demonstrates itself in the openness that the debate about it has generated. In this sense, it is stated here that a critical theory that works with the reconstructive sciences will be able to demand an inclusive concept of tolerance under a post-metaphysical world, making the normativity dependent of rationality structures and of their historical situation. Thus, the requirement of a concept of inclusive tolerance is the result of a critical theory that rebuilds rationality standards that underlie the plural forms of contemporary social life.