The aim of the thesis is to compare liberal approach in science disciplines of international affairs and economy. The thesis is divided into four chapters. In the first chapter is characterized historical background and sources of liberal thinking. Next two chapters focus on liberalism presented by international affairs science and by austrian school of economics. The fourth chapter contains the comparison of these two approaches. The aim is to find logical relationship, common characteristics and differences. Conclusion summarizes gathered knowledge and evaluate final results in comparison with selected aims.

The content of the diploma thesis entails proving of compatibility between liberal variant of multiculturalism and liberalism. Critique by Brian Barry this compatibility denies and understands liberal multiculturalism, which it personifies in Will Kymlicka, as illiberal. This critical view is related to the liberal-communitarian debate, through which are interpreted Brian Barrys critique as well as new conceptual elements in Will Kymlickas liberal multiculturalism that make it an update of modern liberalism. The thesis legitimizes this update, as well as firm attachment between liberal multiculturalism and liberalism through interpretation of Kymlickas postulates that is based on Rawls theory of justice and through establishing connection between those postulates and the wider postulates of liberalism.

M.A. / On the African continent South Africa is unequivocally the economic and military giant. As the continental hegemon, the state has sought the reform of the unequal global economy in order to enhance the participation in the global political economy of all African countries. The South African government projects the discourse of African solidarity in driving global reforms, emphasising that such reforms will be of benefit to both the continent as a whole, and to the South African state. Within this context, it is the purpose of this dissertation to determine with greater clarity who stands to gain from South Africa’s efforts. In other words, is South Africa acting to acquire economic growth and development for Africa as a whole, or is the country primarily acting to secure its own wealth and power? In short, this study investigates whether South Africa – as the continental hegemon – is acting in a benevolent or selfish manner in its undertakings. The assessment of South Africa’s hegemony is presented in a theoretical schema constructed with a focus on the three main theories of international relations, namely liberalism, realism and structuralism. Each of these theories is employed descriptively as well as prescriptively as tools to evaluate the nature of the African political economy, and South African action versus rhetoric. Applying these conceptual lenses, South Africa’s position on three aspects of the African political economy are assessed and evaluated. These three areas of the political economy – trade, debt and foreign direct investment – serve as case studies revealing South Africa’s benevolence and/or selfishness. In brief, South Africa is pressing for the reform of the international financial architecture; rhetorically, the state seeks free trade and enhanced export opportunities for all African states; the country is urging foreign creditors to reduce Africa’s external debt; South African leaders have recommended that their counterparts establish an investor-friendly climate in Africa as a means to enhance foreign investments on the continent. South Africa’s actions have the potential to benefit the African continent as a whole, and simultaneously advance the state’s interests. The findings of this study point out that (a) each of the three theories can be utilised to describe South Africa’s rhetoric and actions, and (b) the essence of South Africa’s hegemony is neither entirely benevolent, nor exclusively selfish. / Prof. D.J. Geldenhuys Mr. P.P. Fourie

This thesis accepts the premise that something is amiss in international political theory but, in contrast to numerous recent works, aims to provide more than a eulogy, lament, or nostalgic retrospective on the field. Instead, it seeks to get at the root cause of the problem. I argue that the perennial malaise of international theory is a problem of discipline, in both the ordinary and scientific sense. First, the field is in the grip of unprecedented theoretical tumult, its practitioners in danger of drifting out of familiar currents into a boundless sea of relativism. Second, the scientific status of the discourse remains an issue of concern to many scholars. But the first group of "theorists" promise us little more than diversity, while the second look for theoretical shelter in the false haven of empirical science. The crisis of international theory is thus inflamed by a misrepresented debate in which either too much emphasis is placed on consensus, or too great a virtue made of difference. Returning to the insights of E. H. Carr, I reconceptualize the problem of theoretical consensus in international relations as an issue that is inherently irresolvable and, at the same time, workable. The thesis argues against the view that international relations cannot achieve secure status as a discipline without attaining, or at least aspiring to construct, a global empirical theory. Following Carr, I argue that there are deep and enduring differences in international theory, differences that can always be counted on to undermine the "panacea of a global explanatory theory" (Hoffmann, 1960). These differences are traced, via Carr, to a basic antithesis deriving from the contrasting requirements and standards of normative and empirical theory. By the same token, however, I argue that differences that are irreconcilable on their own theoretical terms can be reconciled within the broader ambit of discipline, provided that the latter is understood as a community of scholars united by basic human interests — the avoidance of war for example — and not as a field of study amenable to the canons of science. To demonstrate the argument, I undertake a study of neoliberalism, focusing in particular on international regimes. I focus on neoliberalism because it is the heir apparent to realism, and on regime theorists because of their explicit attempt to reconcile idealist and realist perspectives. My critique of these approaches concentrates on their open agenda to synthesize realist and liberal international theory. I conclude that regime theory, as it is conceived by neoliberals, disguises, but ultimately founders, on the irreconcilable theoretical differences identified by Carr. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

After nearly 60 years of frozen diplomatic relations between USA and Cuba President Obama decided it was time for a change. The leading words of his campaign has since the beginning of his first election period in 2009 been to “Remake America”. As a result of his new approach to foreign policymaking and international relations President Obama and Raúl Castro announced in December 2014 that they wished to normalize the diplomatic relationship between the two states. March 2016 therefor marks an historical event when Obama travelled to Cuba to formally shake hands with Raúl Castro, and extend a hand of friendship to the Cuban people. He was the first American president to visit Cuba since Kennedy confirmed the embargo in the beginning of the 1960s. This essay will look into the historical aspects of the path dependent Cuban policy that nine American Presidents has chosen to pursue since the beginning of the 1960s, leading up to 2009. A policy that has not been able to live up to what it was set out to do. This essay will use three different theories to try and make sense of why history is changing, and how we should understand these changes. Realism and liberalism are used to deal with the historical aspects regarding this relationship. Although USA is built on liberal values and they have taken on the role as a democratic leader in the world, many political decisions and actions points to a more realistic approach to international relations mostly driven by suspicion against other non-democratic states. The theory of path dependency is employed to try and break down events as we approach the historical event of the meeting between President Obama and Raúl Castro during Obamas visit to Cuba in March 2016. With the help of path dependent tools such as increasing returns and critical junctures, this essay concludes that we have in fact reached a critical juncture regarding the American Cuban policy.

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar o papel da religião em sociedades democráticas liberais. Inicialmente, descrevo os principais elementos das teorias exclusivas e inclusivas da religião. Os argumentos de tais teorias dizem respeito à (in)validez da justificação de razões religiosas para leis estatais de caráter coercitivo. Após apresentar estas linhas gerais, trago ao debate duas posições liberais a respeito da tolerância religiosa: primeiro, a de Ronald Dworkin, depois a de John Rawls com o intuito de defender uma concepção liberal igualitária de tolerância religiosa. Embora Rawls esteja normalmente situado entre os teóricos ditos exclusivistas, pretendo lançar mão de alguns elementos de sua teoria que sugerem, no entanto, a presença de uma certa visão inclusiva em seu argumento, ou ao menos uma visão menos restritiva de sua ideia / ideal de razão pública. Por fim, avalio os limites da teoria normativa rawlsiana ante as formulações de Jürgen Habermas a respeito dos desafios que a religião suscita em sociedades pós-seculares. / This work has the main goal of analyzing the role of religion in liberal democratic societies. First, I describe the main tenets of the exclusive and inclusive theories of religion. These theories concern the (in) validity of religious reasons to justify state laws of a coercive nature. After presenting the general outlines of the debate, I discuss how two different liberal theories, the Ronald Dworkins normative framework and then the rawlsian one, are both able to offer a liberal-egalitarian defense for a conception of religious tolerance. Although normally located among theories called exclusive I intend to use some elements of John Rawls theory that suggest, nonetheless, the presence of a certain inclusive vision in his argument, or at least a less restrictive view of his idea/ideal of public reason. Finally, I take up Jürgen Habermas assumptions on the place of religion in post-secular societies in order to test some normative limits which the theory of John Rawls must face.

A proposta desta dissertação é analisar a teoria da justiça republicana de Philip Pettit. Isso exige, inicialmente, o desenvolvimento de sua concepção de liberdade como não dominação, central para o modelo de republicanismo do autor. A partir deste concepção de liberdade, é possível a formulação de uma concepção de justiça republicana, a qual permite o desenvolvimento de instituições políticas destinadas a maximizar a não dominação nas relações entre os cidadãos e nas relações destes com o próprio Estado. Com referência às relações entre os cidadãos, Pettit apresenta instituições nacionais voltadas à infraestrutura, seguridade e defesa. Já as relações dos cidadãos com o Estado levam Pettit a formular uma teoria republicana da democracia, a qual possui um caráter tanto participativo quanto contestatório. Além disso, acreditamos que a teoria da justiça de Pettit, para se mostrar relevante no âmbito da teoria política normativa contemporânea, deve ser comparada com o liberalismo-igualitário de John Rawls, o qual ocupa posição de destaque neste debate. Assim, defenderemos o republicanismo de Philip Pettit como uma alternativa ao liberalismo de matriz rawlsiana, problematizando alguns pontos do pensamento deste autor. / The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze Philip Pettits republican theory of justice. This demands, initially, the development of his conception of freedom as nondomination, which is central to his republicanism. From this conception of freedom, its possible to develop a republican conception of justice, which allows us to design institutions encharged of maximizing non-domination on the relationships between citizens and between these citizens and the state. Regarding the relationship between citizens, Pettit develops domestic institutions on the domains of infrastructure, insurance, and insulation. And regarding the relationship between the people and the state, Pettit builds a republican theory of democracy, which has a system of participation and contestation. Besides this, we also believe that Pettits theory of justice, in order to prove its relevance on the contemporary normative political theory, needs to be compared with John Rawls liberal-egalitarianism, a doctrine that has a prominent site on this debate. Therefore, we stand up for Philip Pettits republicanism as a alternative to the Rawlsian republicanism, but also stress some problematic issues on the work of the former.

Magister Artium (Development Studies) - MA(DVS) / In the period 1985 to 1989 both the state and the liberation movements sought to implement strategies of repression and resistance inside South Africa. These unfolded in the different regions of the country in unique ways. In the absence of detailed regional studies of the encounter between the two, this study examines the experience of Cape Town.

Thesis advisor: James Wallace / Thesis advisor: Christopher P. Wilson / This dissertation analyzes the way in which antebellum writers participated in and helped shape the tradition of political liberalism. Emphasizing the dynamics of moral deliberation that are central to democratic life, "The Vision of Principles" puts US literature into conversation with moral and political philosophers not routinely encountered in Americanist literary scholarship to reveal how antebellum US writers routinely responded to moments of profound political conflict by interrogating the nature of moral belief itself. By ranging not only between literature, history, and philosophy, but also across literary forms, from gothic, picaresque, and sentimental novels to slave narratives, essays, and political oratory, this dissertation argues that amidst such textual diversity, we nevertheless find a consistent preoccupation with the individual endeavor for perspective-for vision-into the realm of moral value and moral ideas. It traces that concern as writers responded to three important moments of political conflict in the antebellum era: the debates over the ratification of the Constitution, the "nullification" controversy of the 1830s, and the fallout over the "compromise" of 1850. In doing so, it reconsiders the emergence of American Romanticism and argues that the "inward" turn of U.S. literature towards the self during this era was not an evasion of political life, but an imaginative examination of how individuals come to understand the moral ideas and principles at the heart of political existence. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2018. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: English.

This thesis is a qualitative comparative case study aimed at exploring the viewpoints of two opposing international relations perspectives, realism and liberalism. The aim is to pursue an interpretation of the study through the use of theories. Realism focuses on state security, military power and the survival of the state. Liberalism reflects on the worldviews, identity and ideas. The theories present four main principles in each theory of the conflict and the contradictions between the theory’s point of view give the study a deeper interpretation of Russia’s and EU’s position in the Ukraine conflict.   The study has shown that both Russia and the EU have potential explanations in terms of IR-theories. Realism and liberalism complement each other, showing that the positions of Russia and the EU are equal and different, which shows similarities and differences in theory. These two perspectives provide explanations for the Ukrainian crisis from two different levels. Realism provides the main explanation at the individual level and the individual actors and liberalism provides the main explanation at the general level and on the international arena.