Kiswahili hat ein doppeltes System der nominalen Klassifikation. Das erste System ist das aus dem Bantu (Niger-Congo) bekannte System der konkordierenden nominalen und \"pronominalen\" Präfixe; das zweite, jüngere System gründet sich auf das Bedeutungsmerkmal [belebt]. Die grammatische Kategorie NUMERUS (SINGULAR::PLURAL) gilt nur im zweiten System; innerhalb des ersten Systems ist die Bildung der Nominalpaare, z .B. mtulwatu, ein derivationeller Prozeß und bezieht Konkordanz sich ausschlieBlich auf die Kategorie KLASSE.

This paper presents a description of sentential negation in Kiswahili and attempts a partial analysis of sentential negation in Kiswahili within the Principles and Parameters framework, in particular, following Pollock\''s (1989) proposal to split IP into several functional categories including NegP. The main claim is that negation mruking in Kiswahili is an instance of negation projection, NegP. The main evidence for this is found in relative clauses and conditional clauses where negation blocks I -to-C movement. The paper is organized into 5 sections. Basic theoretical assumptions are outlined in Section 1. Section 2 presents a description of the basic facts about four strategies of expressing sentential negation in Kiswahili and highlights problems that the data raise. Section 3 discusses the interaction between negation and relative marker. In Section 4, the location of NegP in IP is proposed. Section 5 presents some general conclusions and summarizes questions for further research.

The aim of this paper is to show that Swahili has several strategies to resolve verbal agreement with conjoined noun phrases. In section 2, I give a brief summary of the situation as depicted in grammatical descriptions of Swahili. I then present a number of examples - mainly taken from Muhammed Said Abdulla`s (1976) novel Mwana wa Yungi hulewa - illustrating different strategies of agreement with conjoined NPs. In section 4, I present an analysis of one of the strategies discussed and argue that the choice of different strategies is not only based on dialect or speaker variation, but rather can be related to information structure and the dynamics of interpretation.

This article discusses one particular issue of Swahili standardization. which is, in Kiswahili Sanifu, the correct concordial agreement to be applied to the lexeme -ingine (‘other’)? Should it be treated like an adjective, as ‘classical’ works in Swahili grammar claim as well as current educational books do? How can efforts in favour of standardization comply with the appearance of different variants of concordial agreement?

Sign language in Tanzania is a relatively new field of linguistics that is yet to attract many researchers and linguists in particular Tanzanian Sign Language (TSL) functions as a unifying tool for the deaf in the country and, probably, beyond. This language, which is still at its early stage of development, is used in the same linguistic environment with Kiswahili, the national language, which is more established. The situation leaves TSL disadvantaged and is thus likely to cause a one-way linguistic influence, from Kiswahili to TSL. This paper, therefore, examines the nature and impact of the situation. Firstly, it focuses on the question of whether or not TSL is an independent language that has developed as a seperate language, quite distinct from the spoken languages of the communities that surround it, especially Kiswahili. Secondly, it examines the extent to which Kiswahili has influenced TSL and thus the role that the former plays in learning and developing the latter. The results of the study show that Kiswahili has had some influence on TSL but the influence is marginal at lexical level. Of all the signs studied, only 13% were directly related to Kiswahili. The majority of the signs studied were found to be iconic in nature, but only 12% of all signs were semantically transparent. Even in these cases where the signs are transparent, the transparency of the signs is not based on one`s knowledge of Kiswahili. Most of the transparent signs are common gestures that any person of any ethnic origin can interpret. The study has thus established that TSL is more of a sign language than signed language. It is an indigenous African sign language, unrelated to the Western Sign Languages, except for the manual alphabet. Finally, the study predicts that much of the transperancy and iconicity in TSL will gradually fade away as the language develops across time, space, and generations.

This paper speculates about the origin of the overall use of the form iko in Inland Swahili. Its functional scope comprises predication, identification, location, existence, and association. In Standard Swahili, the primary function of iko is to express the locative relation of nouns belonging to noun class 4 or 9. For the expression of identification various other means are used. As Inland Swahili is mostly acquired as a second language it will be argued here that the functional expansion of iko might be due to the crosslinguistic influence of the first language. However, first languages, such as Maasai, exhibit a formal distinction between location and predication. A conceptual merger of both functions in the second language is more likely to occur when the first language contains only one obligatory copula expressing both concepts. This obligatory copula can be found in many Indo-European languages, e.g. English or Hindi. Until today Indians speaking Swahili are characterised by the frequent usage of iko, a fact which points to the view that the overall use of iko could be due to substrate influence of Hindi.

In recent years, the Bantu object affix that is commonly known as the object marker (OM) has attracted considerable debate regarding its status in generative grammar. One view takes the OM to be an incorporated pronoun (see for example, Bresnan and Mchombo 1987; Bresnan 1993). Their analysis is based mainly on the contrast between object marking and subject marking. The subject marker (SM), they point out, behaves as an agreement marker while the object marker behaves like a bound pronoun, freeing the noun from word order restrictions, permitting contrastive focus like a bound pronoun, and permitting non-local anaphoric relations. The other view takes OM to be an agreement marker which licenses a null object (see for example, Bergvall 1987; Kinyalolo 1991; Ngonyani 1996). In this paper I take the second position and, on the basis of Kiswahili constructions in which the lexical object is not realized, I argue that a null object analysis is consistent with VP ellipsis facts, idiom chunks, and co-occurrence between OM and the lexical object. It is consistent with the general analysis of agreement as instantiation of Spec-Head relation (Chomsky 1986a, Kinyalolo 1991). I demonstrate using the elliptical constructions that the verb moves to an Inf-position.

The locative suffix -ni: In this article we discuss two hypotheses about the origin of the locative suffix -ni. The better known hypothesis (Raum 1909; Meinhof 1941/42) assumes that the suffix -(i)ni developed out of a class 18 demonstrative, though the details of the assumed phonological changes have never been made clear. The competing hypothesis by Sacleux (1939) suggests that locative nouns with -ni started out as compounds with the noun ini `liver´. We think that this second hypothesis is phonologically more plausible and that it also accounts for the specific link with the meaning of class 18 `inside´. Comparison of the spread of the locative suffix -(i)ni and of the word ini `liver´, together with other historical considerations, point to Kiswahili (or Sabaki) as the most likely origin of this locative suffix.

Dhana ya usarufishaji, kama Kamusi ya Isimu na Lugha inavyoeleza, ni ubadilishaji wa neno huru ama mofimu huru yenye maana ya kisemantiki na kuifanya mofimu funge na yenye maana ya kisarufi zaidi. Tunaposema kuhusu usarufishaji, mara nyingi tunamaanisha hasa ubadilishaji wa neno huru liwe mofimu. Miongoni mwa aina zote za maneno, ambazo zinaweza kusarufishwa, zile zinazotumika mara nyingi zaidi ni nomino na vitenzi. Ningetaka kujibu swali juu ya kazi ya kisarufi ya leksimu mwana: baada ya kuzichunguza maana zake za kisarufi inawezekana kutilia mkazo kwamba katika lugha ya Kiswahili tunashuhudia mwanzo wa kuibadilisha nomino huru mwana iwe kiambishi awali cha uundaji wa maneno mapya yanayotaja watu mbalimbali kutokana na kazi, shughuli zao, kuwepo katika vyama n.k. Inawezekana kwamba maneno ambatani yanayoanzia na mwana yanaunda ngeli maalum ya nomino (sawa na ngeli ya 1a/2a ya lugha nyingine za Kibantu).

In Griechisch werden Transitivitätsänderungen durch non-aktives Genus Verbi (Voice) ausgedrückt, was zu einer morphologischen Unterspezifikation führt. Grundsätzlich können passive und reflexive Verben im Griechischen (neben anderen Strukturen) mit derselben Form ausgedrückt werden. Oft ist der Kontext das einzige Mittel zur Disambiguierung. Diese Studie untersucht den Erwerb von Transitivitätsalternationen (transitivity alternations) bei griechischen monolingualen Kindern im Vergleich zu zwei zweisprachigen Populationen, nämlich griechisch-deutschen und griechisch-englischen Kindern im Alter zwischen 4 und 8 Jahren. Es wird untersucht, ob beim Erwerb der jeweiligen morphologischen Systeme die dominante Sprache, in diesem Fall Deutsch bzw. Englisch, mit der Erbsprache (Heritage- sprache) Griechisch interagiert. Englisch und Deutsch unterscheiden sich vom Griechischen, indem sie Reflexivität und Passivierung anders ausdrücken, und stellen deswegen ein in- teressantes Forschungsgebiet dar. In der Studie wurden 80 zweisprachige Kinder sowie 40 einsprachige Kinder untersucht. Sie sollten die folgenden “Spiele” absolvieren: Ren- frews (1998) expressive Vokabelaufgabe, angepasst an das Griechische von Vogindroukas (2009), sowie zwei experimentelle Aufgaben: eine Wahrheitsbewertungsaufgabe (truth-value judgement task) und eine Handlungsaufgabe (act-out task). Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass Passive Verben sind hingegen am schwierigsten zu verstehen und zu produzieren, sowohl für zweisprachige als auch für monolinguale griechische Kinder. / In Greek, transitivity alternations are expressed using the non-active voice resulting in a morphological underspecification. Essentially, passives and reflexives in Greek, among other structures, can be expressed using the same form; context is often the only means of disambiguation. This study investigates the acquisition of transitivity alternations in Greek comparing two bilingual populations namely, Greek-German and Greek-English bilinguals between the ages of 4 and 8. This study was motivated by the lack of research on the acquisition of transitivity alternations in bilingual populations. It examines whether the dominant language, in this case German and English respectively, interacts with the heritage language, Greek, as they both evolve morphologically. English and German differ from Greek in the way they express reflexivity and passivisation and posed an interesting area of research. 80 bilingual children as well as 40 monolingual children a baseline task: Renfrew’s (1998) Expressive Vocabulary Task adapted for Greek by Vogindroukas (2009) and two experimental tasks: a truth-value judgement task (TVJT) and an act-out task (AOT). The findings show that children across populations scored worst in passives thus replicating the results in previous literature.