L’organisation par projet, entendue comme réorganisation radicale du travail autour d’un ou de plusieurs projets simultanés, est aujourd’hui largement répandue dans les grandes entreprises et dans les administrations publiques. Nombre de recherches en sciences de gestion expliquent cette vaste diffusion par la capacité de ce système à réduire considérablement les délais productifs. Toutefois, comme tout système productif, sa performance repose également sur l’implication des salariés intervenants dans les projets. Là encore, à en croire la rhétorique managériale, l’organisation par projet se révèlerait vertueuse : en accordant une plus grande autonomie aux salariés dans l’acte productif et en développant leurs qualifications par le biais des mobilités et de la pluridisciplinarité des équipes de travail, elle parviendrait à susciter pleinement leur engagement.Toutefois, des recherches en sciences de gestion et en sociologie nuancent quelque peu ce point de vue : l’organisation par projet se montrerait également déstabilisante pour les salariés. Ce constat, a priori contradictoire, invite à examiner comment la combinaison entre organisation du travail, management et systèmes informatiques, dans l’organisation par projet, rénove le régime de mobilisation des salariés. Pour répondre à ce questionnement, cette recherche s’appuie sur des observations, une analyse documentaire et 108 entretiens menés auprès de techniciens, ingénieurs et cadres de la conception de deux grandes entreprises françaises des secteurs automobile et aéronautique, où l’organisation par projet est fortement répandue. Structurée en trois parties, la démonstration se déroule de la manière suivante. La première partie démontre que les contraintes qui émanent de l’organisation du procès de travail, du management et des systèmes informatiques parviennent à mobiliser les salariés dans l’acte productif. La deuxième partie dévoile, ensuite, que l’engagement productif des salariés ne signifie pas qu’ils adhérent et légitiment pleinement cette forme d’organisation du travail. En dépit des sources de satisfaction qu’elle contient, l’organisation par projet s’avère, en effet, déstabilisante et ne manque pas de susciter des critiques chez les salariés. Enfin, la troisième partie de cette thèse explique les raisons de la portée subversive toute relative de ces discours et pratiques contestataires. La première de ces raisons est que le mécontentement se manifeste à un niveau individuel et ne trouve pas de relais auprès des instances capables de structurer une action collective et organisée. La seconde raison réside dans le fait que l’organisation par projet parvient à désamorcer la critique en l’individualisant et en se montrant sourde à l’égard de ses diverses manifestations. In fine, à travers son pouvoir coercitif et sa capacité à étouffer les formes de contestation formulées à son égard, l’organisation par projet parvient à se dispenser de l’adhésion pleine et entière des salariés ; ce qui, comme nous le verrons tout au long de cette thèse, n’est pas sans conséquence sur leur rapport au travail et leur santé. / The project-based organization, considered as a radical reorganization of work around one or more simultaneous projects, is nowadays widespread in large companies and public administrations. Many management science studies explain this wide dissemination by the capacity of this system to considerably reduce the time of production. However, like any production system, its performance also relies on the involvement of the employees working on the projects. Moreover, according to the managerial way of thinking, the project-based organization would be virtuous: by giving more autonomy to the employees in the act of production and by developing their skills through mobility and interdisciplinarity of work teams, it would be able to arouse their full commitment. However, some sociological and management science studies somewhat qualify this opinion: the project-based organization would be unsettling for workers, as well. This, which could seems to be contradictory first, makes necessary to study how the combination of work organization, management and computer systems, in the project-based organization, reforms the workers’ commitment system. To answer this question, this study is based on observations, a literature review and 108 interviews with technicians, engineers and executives from industrial design. They work in two large French companies of automotive and aircraft manufacturing industries, where the project-based organization is widespread. Structured in three parts, the demonstration takes place as follows. The first part shows that the constraints created by the organization of the work process, the management and the computer systems enable to mobilize employees in the act of production. Then, the second part reveals that the productive commitment of the employees does not mean that they legitimate and adhere to this form of work organization. In spite of the sources of satisfaction it has, the project-based organization is in fact unsettling and sparks off criticisms among workers. Finally, the third part of this thesis explains the reasons of the slight subversive side of these dissenting opinions and practices. The first of these reasons is that the discontent comes to an individual level; there are no go-betweens able to structure a collective and organized action. The second reason is that the project-based organization manages to stop criticisms by focusing to its individual part and by being deaf to its various manifestations. Finally, through its coercive power and its capacity to hush up the forms of protests made against it, the project-based organization manages to dispense with the full commitment of workers, which, as we will see throughout this thesis, has many consequences on their conception of work and health.

This thesis concerns the mobilisation of children who lived within a clearly defined area of Scotland known as the 42nd Regimental Area during the Great War. It asserts that while these children lived through a time of enormous national and local upheaval, the majority of this numerically significant but often overlooked section of the population in terms of Great War studies were far from being helpless witnesses to the conflict on the Home Front or even passive bystanders, but were instead overwhelmingly reasonably well informed supporters of and valued net contributors to the British war effort. This thesis takes the form of a concentrated regional study, drawing heavily both on local sources and the holdings of the four Local Authority archives involved as it traces the evolution of children’s involvement in support work from their initial self-mobilisation to the eventual effective adult capture and direction of their work in the national interest. It takes the shape of a descriptive account of the local children’s war support activities which runs in parallel with analysis of the form of their physical and mental mobilisation and deployment, the limitations placed on that process, the sources of their motivation and an estimate of the extent of their financial contribution to the British war effort. This thesis attempts to strike and maintain an ongoing balance between the need to deal directly with the lived experience of local children while relating that same experience to the broader issues which dominate the historiography of the Great War on the Home Front. The final product is intended to expand current understanding of the shape of children’s mobilisation during the Great War through a study of the processes involved as well as the extent and effectiveness of that movement in one Scottish Regimental Area.

Research Question: Anger is believed to be a powerful motivator of group mobilization. The objective of this dissertation is to examine the role of anger in assisting individuals to overcome the collective action problem. Theory: I utilize Intergroup Emotional Theory in order to build and test hypotheses on when and how anger will lead to mobilization. Methods: I test my hypotheses through four experiments. Experiment 1 examines how individual level anger impacts mobilization. In Experiment 2, I implement a test to induce anger towards an out-group. In Experiment 3, I then examine how anger towards an out-group impacts mobilization under the contexts of threat and competition. In Experiment 4, I look at different threatening contexts and how anger towards an out-group, limited information, and discrimination all work together to impact mobilization. Results: In Experiment 1, I found that when an angry subject is asked to take action in a task unrelated to that anger, the subject fails to mobilize. In Experiment 2, I built and tested two experimental manipulations of out-group anger and was successful in inducing anger directed towards an out-group. Having successfully induced out-group anger, Experiment 3 then demonstrated that out-group anger increases mobilization under competition, but not under threat. The mobilizing effects of out-group anger was limited under threat because subjects also felt angry towards their own in-group. Lastly, I reexamine different variations of threat on mobilization. I attempt to reduce increases in in-group anger by limiting information and discriminating against the angry group, but as I stack the deck against the angry group, they responded by mobilizing less. Conclusions: The potential for anger to mobilize may be contingent upon the level of out-group and in-group anger within a group. These findings collectively shed light on how out-group anger can either facilitate action or lead to inaction.

In the past researches, the discussions of war took place in the predominantly male mainstream, and neglected gendered war roles. This study attempts to combine war, state with women and discuss women under wartime mobilization in Taiwan. Since the Chinese civil war erupted in 1946, Taiwan has become one of the supporting places of military matters. After the Chinese civil war, Kuomintang government moved its temporary capital to Taipei Taiwan in 1949. However, when Kuomintang government moved in Taiwan, it also simultaneously transplanted the wartime mobilization in Taiwan. The purpose of this thesis lies in discusses the connection between the state and women as well as the relations of women under wartime mobilization. To figure out the female model that was constructed by the state in the wartime and the relations of women under the power structure. Further to analyze the purpose behind the policy of wartime mobilization, and the influence on women. From this thesis we observe that the purpose of the wartime mobilization was for Kuomintang government¡¦s political power. Besides, women played the subordinate role under the wartime mobilization, didn¡¦t exert their abilities by the war, but carried on traditional division of labor. Definitely, the wartime mobilization was a method to consolidate authoritarian regime. Furthermore, women mobilization and strengthening men dominating women were parts of this method.

Prior research has repeatedly documented the existence of gender inequality, discrimination, and harassment in the legal practice, an occupation that remains maledominated in terms of both numbers and organizational culture. Despite the availability of some legal remedies, women attorneys rarely sue their employers, and often do not challenge discriminatory behavior. In this dissertation, I explore this seemingly contradictory situation, where lawyers fail to employ the legal system on their own behalf, and I seek to determine whether the law can in fact be mobilized to challenge and perhaps change gender relations in the legal practice. Through ethnographic field research and content analysis of an Internet community, my research examines possible methods by which the law can serve as a tool to challenge gender discrimination. Further, I assess the manner in which the Internet community itself can serve as a vehicle for challenging gender inequality. In particular, I first explore the role formal litigation might play in promoting change for women attorneys, determining that attorneys in the Internet community are hesitant to employ litigation to challenge gender discrimination. This reluctance appears to result in large part from attorneys’ familiarity with the daunting task of establishing a discrimination case in the judicial system, as well as from a fear that the pursuit of litigation could inflict damage upon their legal careers. I then consider whether the law can serve as a useful tool to challenge inequality when legal discourse is employed within the Internet community to invoke a legal right to a discrimination-free workplace. I find that attorneys, despite their legal training, call upon both formal and informal notions of discrimination when confronted with circumstances colored with inequity. The Internet community itself provides a protected, semianonymous forum in which to engage in such discourse, thereby subverting many of the barriers that currently exist to challenging gender inequality in the legal practice. Further, the community serves as a resource to bring public attention to bear upon law firms, creating external pressures which encourage a reevaluation of both lay and legal understandings of prohibited gender discrimination.

Thesis (M.A.)--Columbia Biblical Seminary and Graduate School of Missions, Columbia, S.C., 1993. / Text in German; includes English summary. Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 129-134).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Johns Hopkins University. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 484-505).

Thesis--Stockholm. / Summary in English. Includes bibliographical references (p. 265-267) and index.

Thesis advisor: Thibaud Marcesse / This is a case study of the 2020-21 Farmers’ Movement in India which brought an alliance among farmers who belong to historically different social groups by their social status, land ownership, and amount of land owned. It also brought together farmers and laborers as a united front, and for the first time, an alliance of urban-based individuals and civil society groups, workers, students, and opposition political parties came together to support the farmers and their cause. How do people of different social groups and ethnicities construct common interests and act collectively? I review the literature on the structural and historical theories of peasants’ uprisings, the collective action theory, and the political opportunity structure to explain why the movement emerged and how it emerged. I argue that the movement emerged as a consequence of economic grievances and the potential for mobilization which is determined by the political opportunity structure. Farmers feared that the Farm Laws that were intended to liberalize agricultural marketing by facilitating intrastate trade, contract farming, and direct marketing would lead to the collapse of the state government-regulated marketplaces and eventually to the collapse of the minimum support price system. The discontentment of farmers, farmers’ unions, and opposition parties provided the political opportunity structure for the movement. I argue that economic grievances and political opportunity structure are necessary conditions for the emergence of social movements, but they do not explain how people of different social groups and ethnicities construct common interests and act collectively. Communities converge on a common frame through the process of frame alignment. Therefore, framing is a necessary and sufficient condition for participation in a social movement. The process of frame alignment creates common interests and non-monetary selective incentives like solidary and purposive incentives which are necessary and sufficient conditions for collective action. / Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2024. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science.

Drawing on insights from social psychological literature on identity formation, and on social movement and contentious politics literature, this research focuses on elite strategies to gain from or survive a crisis. The research specifically looks at strategies to foster popular support and mobilisation. It explores the use of divisive and ethno-centric discourses and policies aimed at mobilising supporters in times of instability or crisis. More specifically, it studies why some elite mobilising appeals have traction. To do so, the research examines social and psychological mechanisms behind group solidarity. A heightened sense of group solidarity is what leads individuals to think in terms of the group, a necessary step for mobilisation. From there, they can be made to feel appeals for collective action are warranted. Three mechanisms in particular are discussed: opposition, politicisation and simplification. Opposing entails enhancing feelings of attachment by creating a sense of antagonistic relations with another group. Politicising consists in ascribing to group identities a political nature, more conducive to contentious relations. The final strategy is simplification. It amounts to simplifying interpretations of the situation and environment so as to make them more readily internalisable. This framework is applied to contemporary Rwanda and to the lead-up to the wars in Yugoslavia. In the Rwandese case, cultural and historical references were repeatedly used by ruling regimes to foster a Hutu uprising against the Tutsi population. This tactic eventually played a fundamental role in triggering the 1994 genocide. In the former Yugoslavia, Croatian and Serbian elites antagonised group relations by agitating nationalist rhetoric. Though this was a strategy to stay in power or gain support, it also led to the break-up of Yugoslavia and to wars in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina.