The wars and national defense nowadays are not simple military actions but comprehensive ones involving national power, military strength, financial resources and spirit of people. And both outer military and inner natural and man-made threats are likely to threaten our national security. Therefore, establishing concepts of comprehensive security has become a basic notion and common sense that all citizens should be equipped with as our nation steps into the 21st century. According to history, the rise and decline of a nation is closely related to the strength of the national defense and the reinforcement of the concepts of all-out defense which depend on whether the defense education is thoroughly implemented. To construct all-out defense, first it is necessary to establish the knowledge of all-out defense and national consciousness. The national consensus should be established by means of "education" to achieve its effectiveness. The ROC's "All-Out Defense Mobilization Act," which was legislated in 2001, shows that the government attempts to solidify the national consensus of all citizens through spirit mobilization. To promote the knowledge of all-out defense, intensify the concepts of defense mobilization and strengthen the development of defense for national security, the All-Out Defense Education Act was legislated to enforce all-out defense education and has been brought into effect since February 2, 2006, which means that all-out defense education can be enforced by law. Thus, all-out defense education is the foundation of the construction of all-out defense, while all-out defense mobilization is the means to achieve all-out defense. The study probes into the transformation and the status quo of defense education according to All-Out Defense Education Act and aims to understand the meanings of all-out defense and all-out mobilization and their relations and extent of mutual effects. The two sides across the Taiwan Strait spare no efforts to implement all-out defense education. Whether a democratic country or a communist one, it puts great emphasis on the importance of all-out defense education. Yet, what is their difference? Focusing on the organizations and their implementation of all-out defense education, the study hopes to offer proper suggestions for future reference.

This thesis analyzes the inherent informal political relations embedded in urban planning process in the city of Ankara between 1985 and 2005. It has been argued that, urban planning process is -by nature- a political process and micro level political interactions in urban political sphere can be observed by looking at it. The urban planning process, as a political process interacts with existing political mobilization mechanisms and their spatial reflections. Such an interaction may cause emergence of informal political networks interested in derivation of urban land rent. The emergence, sustenance and persistence of these networks are related with the opportunities and legitimization potential of urban planning process. For the verification of hypothesis of the research the city of Ankara was taken as the subject of case study. A methodology consisting of a two phase research is devised to analyze the nature and the dynamics of these networks In the first phase a conventional statistical analysis the research universe consisting of all the all urban development plans and modifications realized in Ankara between 1985 and 2005 was realized. Then, in the second phase based on the patterns explored in the research universe, a specific example of urban planning process was chosen, which represents the patterns of the research universe. This example, &Ccedil / ayyolu 907 Parcel, then subjected to social network analysis. The results of the research has shown that, when the structure of the local political structure changes altogether as a result of for example local elections, the structure of existing informal political networks and the way they exploit urban land rent changes. In these periods the number of urban development plans and urban development plan modifications increase, while the size of the area covered by these plans tends to decrease and mostly confined to prospective areas in central business district and residential areas. Yet, by the time passes, new and diverse political relations are established congruent with the existing political mobilization mechanisms. This time, although the number of plans decreases, the size of the area covered by plans increase and mostly, vacant land in the fringe of the urban macro form become the target of these networks. Although these networks involve a hierarchy in it, extensive brokerage and patron client relations sustain them.

In the 2004 Presidential Election social and wedge issues were among the most publicized mobilization tools utilized by the Bush Campaign. Specifically, same-sex marriage has been suggested as a key wedge issue that may have mobilized voters, although research differs on its impact. My contention is that these previous studies miss the point with regard to wedge issues, which is that they are useful on persuadable voters, and persuadable voters live in swing states. I estimate a logit model using 2004 American National Election Studies survey data. I utilize voters’ decisions to turn out as the dependent variable and control for respondents’ positions on terrorism, the economy, same-sex marriage, political interest, party identification, and socio-economic status. These findings demonstrate, consistent with my hypothesis, voters in swing same-sex marriage ballot measure states were more likely to turn out. These voters may not have been persuadable, but rather the Republican base.

Fractures in the distal of the forearm are the most popular fractures of the muscular skeletal system. The aim of this study was to evaluate the effectiveness of joints mobilization method after fractures in the distal of the forearm. The goals of the study: To evaluate the effectiveness of different physical therapeutics methods in reconstruction of hand joints’ amplitudes as well as local hand brawn and function. To estimate the influence of different physical therapeutics methods on the change of hand pain while reconstructing hand’s functions. Organization and methods of the study. The examination was performed with patients grouped into two groups according to casual selection: 1. experimental group – patients underwent active and passive exercises and the joints mobilization method; 2. control group – patients underwent active and passive physical therapeutics exercises. Each group consisted of 30 patients whose mean age accordingly is 52,6±2,3 and 51,6±3,4 years. The study was performed at Kaunas Red Cross Hospital. A closed reduction was performed on all the patients after fracture in the distal of the forearm. Immobilization period lasted for 5 – 6 weeks. The physical therapeutics was started 3 – 5 days after removing the immobilization. Active exercises, passive movements of wrist and fingers joints and mobilization of the joints were applied to the patients of the experimental group. Passive movements as well as active exercises of wrist and fingers joints... [to full text]

In the post-9/11 world, Bangladesh has been identified as a new hub of the Al-Qaeda network in South Asia. Most of the contemporary national and international media reports, security documents, and even academic studies point to the fact that an Islamist movement is on the dramatic rise in Bangladesh in recent years. These reports and studies portray the Islamist movement as closely linked with terrorism and devoid of any historical roots and relations with other types of movement. Contrary to this view, this study argues that the Islamist movement is not an unprecedented phenomenon but historically linked with a broader militia movement which subsequently leads to the emergence of Bangladesh as a nation state in 1971. Since its inception, the nation state is dealing not only with the Islamist movement but also with two other types of militia movement almost simultaneously – the leftwing and the ethnic. Having identified these three types, this study defines the militia movement in terms of five analytical categories – ideology, motivation, mobilization, organization, and ritual – following Freilich and others. It analyzes the Bangladesh militia movement in terms of these five dimensions, providing historical-empirical data from both primary and secondary sources to show how the contemporary militias are carrying forward the legacy of their historical forerunners. This study concludes with policy recommendations on how informed decisions can be made to effectively deal with the militia issue. / Thesis (Master, Sociology) -- Queen's University, 2010-06-02 14:36:43.282

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The study examines the phenomenon of the December protests in Russia when thousands of citizens were involved in the protest movement after the frauds during the Parliamentary elections. There was a popular opinion in the Internet media that at that moment Russia experienced establishment of civil society, since so many people were ready to express their discontent publically for the first time in 20 years. The focus of this study is made on the analysis of the roles that social media played in the protest movement. As it could be observed at the first glance, recruiting and mobilising individuals to participation in the rallies were mainly conducted via social media. The research analyses the concept of civil society and its relevance to the protest rhetoric and investigates, whether there was a phenomenon of civil society indeed and how it was connected to individuals’ motivation for joining the protest. The concept of civil society is discussed through the social capital, social and political trust, e-democracy and mediatisation frameworks. The study provides a comprehensive description of the events, based on mainstream and new media sources, in order to depict the nature and the development of the movement. The structure of the protests is analysed through the new social movement theory. Also, various approaches to engagement of people in the social movements are presentedl, including political marketing framework. The research was conducted in several main stages, using content analysis, survey and interviewing as main methods. The main conclusions of the study: relatively minor impact of social media in the engagement of people in the protest, a narrow section of the population as the audience of social media protesters (for them civil society mostly played a role of a customer need), and yet a significant potential of ICT in the future political life of the country.

Post-Soviet Azerbaijan is often portrayed as a very secular country. Thus the mobilization of mosque communities in the late 1990s and their conflictual relationship with the authorities came as a surprise. The main aim of the dissertation is to shed light on this mobilization, focusing on the Sunni Abu Bakr and the Shi’ite Juma mosque communities in Baku. On the premise that Islamic mobilization may be interpreted as a “social movement”, internal, contextual and interactional aspects of mobilization have been studied. The analysis is chiefly based on interviews conducted in Baku in 2004/2005 with Imams, worshippers, religious and secular authorities. The study finds that young people looking for new approaches to religion have been drawn to these communities, where they encounter an independent, educated, conscientious clergy and, indeed, a “new” religion. This “sovereign” Islam does not go down well with authorities who fear politicization of religion. The Soviet heritage has provided them with a view of religion as something that should not be publicly displayed and with the institutions to control religion. Another key feature whose impact on state policy towards religious organizations cannot be underestimated is the fear of imported radicalism. A look at Islamic mobilization in North Caucasus, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan reveals many similarities, yet one momentous difference is the harsher repression in these contexts, which decreases the chances of a non-radical mobilization. The thesis concludes that the role of the state in mobilization processes in non-democratic contexts is crucial but counterintuitive, as the regimes’ efforts to stop the mobilization of movements actually leads to its intensification. In Azerbaijan, official pressure brings community members closer together and strengthens their resolve, rather than putting an end to mobilization. It also puts a spotlight on these communities which lights up the way for others in search of something new.

BAKGRUND: Betydelsen av tidig mobilisering har genom åren blivit allt mer uppmärksammat, då det visat sig ha positiva effekter både för patienten och samhället. Trots de många fördelarna med tidig mobilisering mobiliseras inte intensivvårdspatienter i den utsträckning de har möjlighet till. SYFTE: Att studera intensivvårdspersonalens upplevelser av faktorer som påverkar tidig mobilisering av intensivvårdspatienter. METOD: Denna studie är gjord med en kvalitativ ansats. Fokusgruppsintervjuer med en semistrukturerad intervjuguide har använts. Fokusgruppsintervjuerna har skett på ett sjukhus i Sverige vid två olika tillfällen och involverat totalt två läkare, fyra sjuksköterskor och fyra undersköterskor. Datainsamlingen har analyserats enligt kvalitativ innehållsanalys beskriven av Bengtsson (2016). RESULTAT: Data resulterade i fem kategorier som innefattade; Definiera och initiera tidig mobilisering, Organisatoriska förutsättningar, Rädsla för komplikationer, Patientrelaterade förutsättningar och Teamsamverkan och ansvarsfördelningar. Resultatet visar på en progression av medvetenheten kring tidig mobilisering hos studiedeltagarna vilket belyser vikten av reflektion. SLUTSATS: Tidig mobilisering av intensivvårdspatienter är i dagsläget inte prioriterat i det dagliga omvårdnadsarbetet men ses ändå som en självklar del av omvårdnaden. Teamarbetet är bristande vilket delvis förklaras av otydlig ansvarsfördelning. Detta ansvar bör tas av specialistsjuksköterskan. Mer forskning behövs på området där definitionen av tidig mobilisering bör prioriteras för att få överförbara resultat och validerade hjälpmedel.

Fin des années 1950. Nanterre, terre communiste et d’immigration. Terre de luttes. La politisation ouvrière et communiste rencontre la guerre d’Algérie et les bidonvilles où vivent des milliers d’Algériens, de Marocains et de Portugais. A l’éloignement municipal avec ces Nanterriens venus d’ailleurs et au traitement exceptionnel infligé à ces derniers répond la naissance d’une cause des étrangers. Cette thèse explore les différents « âges » de cette cause, en les liant au cadrage public du problème par la municipalité. L’histoire sociale et l’action collective de longue durée examinent ces luttes de l’immigration souvent oubliées, depuis les bidonvilles à l’engagement dans les cités aujourd’hui, et interrogent les rapports entre champ politique et mouvement social. Déportant le regard, la sociohistoire montre l’écart entre passé et présent, pensable et possible : de l’inventaire des problèmes par les pionniers chrétiens, de l’hybridation des luttes dans l’après 68 radicalisant la cause des « travailleurs immigrés » à gauche, à son éclatement actuel en autant d’engagements particuliers – socioculturel et de cité, pour une mémoire positive de l’immigration ou la diversité en politique, en soutien aux étrangers ou au pays d’émigration. S’y éclaire un changement majeur du répertoire militant : la déradicalisation et l’ascension associative, qui croisent au début des années 1980, le dédoublement entre soutien aux immigrés (enracinés) et défense des étrangers (fraichement arrivés). Moment où, paradoxalement, les enfants d’immigrés prennent en main leur défense pour en finir avec les derniers vestiges du « ghetto français » dans lequel on les a placés : les cités de transit. / End of the 50's. Nanterre, communist stronghold and immigration land. Land of struggles. The politicized workers and communist activists encounter the Algerian conflict and the slums where thousands of migrants from Algeria, Morocco and Portugal are living. In response to the marginalization of these "Nanterriens" from abroad and the special status imposed upon them, a cause des étrangers emerges.This dissertation explores the various "stages" of that cause, linking them to the handling of the issue by the municipal authorities. Social history and the long term collective action review those often forgotten struggles of the immigration, from the slums to the involvement in today's cités, and question the relationship between the political domain and the social movement. Sociohistory shifts the focus to the gap between past and present, from the pioneering assessment of problems by christian activists, through the post-68 leftist radicalization of the cause of migrant workers, to the present day fragmentation into specific engagements: in the socio-cultural field, at the cité level, promoting a positive memory of immigration or diversité in politics, in support of the étrangers or their country of origin. It highlights a major change in the activist arena: the unradicalization and the growth of grassroots initiatives, which echo at the beginning of the 80's the de-coupling of support to the immigrés (already settled) and defence of the étrangers (newly arrived). This is also the time when the children of immigrés take things in their own hands to put an end to the last remnants of the "French ghetto" where they have been relegated: the cités de transit.