La synthèse des travaux réalisés sur les sites de Mayadin et de Rahba, de 1976 à 1979, études de terrain et de la céramique, confirme les données textuelles. La ville de Rahba, au bord du fleuve, a bien été construite à l'époque abbasside, dans la première moitié du IXe siècle. L'abandon de cette première ville se situe au moment où les textes ne font référence qu'à la citadelle et à son rôle défensif, face aux invasions mongoles. L'évolution de la seconde ville de Rahba, au bord du plateau, est étroitement liée à l'activité de la citadelle.<br />La période des Xe-XIe siècles, mal connue sur d'autres sites, est relativement bien représentée à Rahba. Un atelier de fabrication de céramique en est la principale illustration. L'étude des produits a permis de mettre en évidence des influences perses. Leur répartition, dans la moyenne vallée de l'Euphrate, correspond au territoire dominé par les Mirdasides, pendant la période d'indépendance de Rahba.<br />Pour la période de la fin du XIe au XIIIe siècle, les plans des bâtiments mis au jour sont originaux : à l'époque seljoukide - zankide, les maisons, de plan carré, sont organisées autour d'une cour centrale sur laquelle s'ouvrent des iwans. Ces plans sont très proches de modèles afghans. Leur évolution à l'époque ayyoubide reflète le souci d'adapter les logements à une concentration de la population.<br />Le grand bâtiment sondé au pied de la citadelle, dans la seconde ville de Rahba, est un exemple d'architecture publique, probablement une mosquée.<br />Enfin, l'analyse de la place de Rahba au sein des différentes zones de distribution des céramiques, à travers les époques, met en valeur l'évolution des échanges économiques dans la moyenne vallée de l'Euphrate et l'importance des ensembles géopolitiques successifs.

Em 1951, o arquiteto Le Corbusier foi convidado por seu amigo, o industrialista André Jaoul para projetar duas casas uma para ele e sua esposa e outra para a família de seu filho, no subúrbio de Paris. Devido ao orçamento reduzido, Le Corbusier adotou o uso de paredes portantes de tijolos, coberturas em abóbadas catalãs e vigas de concreto aparente. Estas escolhas definiram a estética brutalista do projeto e fizeram com que as Maisons Jaoul se tornassem conhecidas mundialmente. As Maisons Jaoul de certa forma parecem destoantes ao trabalho do arquiteto que ficou muito conhecido por ser austero, frio e racionalista, principalmente por suas obras nos anos 20. No entanto, um panorama na história da arquitetura corbusiana faz com que se tenha um entendimento desta solução brutalista. É possível perceber a evolução da arquitetura moderna de Le Corbusier desde o início de sua carreira, passando por diferentes fases onde o arquiteto acaba por ter um aumento de seu repertório e consequentemente uma evolução em sua arquitetura, que vai de encontro as mudanças sociais e econômicas da sociedade. As Maisons Jaoul assumiram um papel importante na carreira do arquiteto e serviram de exemplo e inspiração para diversos projetos ao redor do mundo. / In 1951 the architect Le Corbusier was invited by his friend, the industrialist André Jaoul to design two houses, one for him and his wife and another for the family of his son, in the a Paris suburb. Due to the reduced budget, Le Corbusier adopted the use of brick walls and roofs in Catalan vaults and exposed concrete. These choices defined the brutalist aesthetics of the project and made the Maisons Jaoul worldwide known. The Maisons Jaoul seem however disoriented to the work of the architect who was well known for being austere, cold and rationalist, mainly for his works in the 1920s. However, a panorama in the history of Corbusian architecture cause an understanding of this brutalist solution. It is possible to perceive the evolution of modern architecture of Le Corbusier from the beginning of his career, passing through different phases where the architect ends up having an increase of its repertoire and consequently an evolution that goes into the social and economic changes of society. Maisons Jaoul took an important role in the architect's career and served as an example and inspiration for several projects all around the world.

Thèses (M.A.)--Université de Sherbrooke (Canada), 2001. / Titre de l'écran-titre (visionné le 20 juin 2006). Publié aussi en version papier.

Texte remanié et trad. de: Thèse d'habilitation--Faculté d'histoire--Varsovie--Université. / Version française d'une thèse en polonais. Bibliogr. p. 225-234. Index.

En France, le secteur du bâtiment est le principal consommateur d'énergie. En outre, le secteur de la maison individuelle représente environ 60% des constructions annuelles de logements. La construction des bâtiments à haute efficacité énergétique représente un grand pas vers l'économie d'énergie. Cependant, même si divers efforts sont déployés dans ce domaine, des outils et des méthodes manquent pour évaluer la performance énergétique de ces bâtiments. Cette évaluation doit permettre non seulement de comprendre les facteurs qui contribuent à cette performance mais également d'identifier les causes de la surconsommation, d’inconfort pour les occupants.Cette thèse vise à contribuer à cet objectif en proposant une approche d'évaluation de la performance énergétique d'un bâtiment. Pour cela on compare la performance réelle et la performance attendue en utilisant le monitoring et la simulation thermique dynamique. Cette approche s’appuie sur différents cas d’études dont principalement une maison individuelle, situé en un climat méditerranéen.Dans un premier temps, en phase de conception, nous utilisons des simulations thermiques dynamiques pour étudier l’impact du comportement sur les besoins énergétiques. L'objectif est d'analyser l'influence du scénario d'occupation sur le comportement du bâtiment et d'établir une plage de valeurs pour les besoins en énergie, basée sur des statistiques nationales. Le comportement du bâtiment est étudié en fonction de différents types de scénarii d'occupation, de consignes de température, de l'utilisation d’appareils domestiques et l'éclairage.Dans un second temps, l'accent est mis sur l'évaluation globale de la performance de l'enveloppe. Un test dynamique in situ innovant a été développé pour en évaluer la performance réelle. Ce test est applicable sur une période courte (de l’ordre de la journée) tout en maitrisant les débits d’infiltrations. La comparaison des résultats théoriques en régime stationnaire avec les résultats expérimentaux montre une bonne précision inférieure à 10%.Enfin, le suivi énergétique en continu des maisons performantes est étudié. Tout d’abord, des travaux sont réalisés dans l’optique de réduire le nombre de capteurs nécessaires au suivi, tout en minimisant la perte d’informations. Ensuite, une méthodologie d’instrumentation est développée et appliquée à une maison individuelle. Le suivi de cette maison a pu être étudié sur les six premiers mois de monitoring et a permis d’expliquer le comportement du bâtiment et ses consommations au regard de son usage et de faire le lien avec les prévisions faites en phase de conception. / In France, the building sector is the main energy consumer. Moreover single-family houses represent about 60% of annual dwelling construction. The construction of energy efficient buildings represents a big step into energy saving. However, even though various efforts are made within this field, there is still a lack of methodologies about how to evaluate the energy performance of these buildings. The performance evaluation of an energy efficient building should allow understanding factors that contribute to its energy performance and as well as identifying the causes of overconsumption, poor indoor conditions.This thesis seeks to contribute to this field, by proposing an approach towards evaluating the energy performance of a house. This is done by comparing the real performance and the expected performance, using monitoring and building performance simulation, from design to operational phases. The energy performance evaluation approach is carried out on different cases of studies, mainly on a single-family house, situated in a Mediterranean climate.First, in the design phase, we use building performance simulation models to study the dispersions in energy use related to occupant’s behavior. The goal is to analyze the influence of the occupancy scenario on the behavior of the building and to establish a range of values for energy demand, based on national statistics. This step study the building’s behavior based on different types of occupancy scenarios, appliances and lighting use and temperature set point.Then, the focus is on the global evaluation of the envelope’s performance. Within the present thesis an innovative in-situ dynamic test is developed to assess the real envelope’s performance. This test is adapted to occupied houses (as it only takes 2 days) while controlling the infiltration air flow. The comparison between theoretical results of steady state calculation and experimental results show a good precision of less than 10%.Finally, continuous monitoring of energy efficient houses is studied. First, a work is done to reduce the number of sensors required for monitoring, while minimizing the loss of information. Then, an instrumentation methodology is developed and applied to a single-family house. The follow-up of this house could be studied during the first six months of monitoring and allowed to explain the behavior of the building and its consumption with regard to its use and to make the link with the previsions made during the design phase.

Em 1951, o arquiteto Le Corbusier foi convidado por seu amigo, o industrialista André Jaoul para projetar duas casas uma para ele e sua esposa e outra para a família de seu filho, no subúrbio de Paris. Devido ao orçamento reduzido, Le Corbusier adotou o uso de paredes portantes de tijolos, coberturas em abóbadas catalãs e vigas de concreto aparente. Estas escolhas definiram a estética brutalista do projeto e fizeram com que as Maisons Jaoul se tornassem conhecidas mundialmente. As Maisons Jaoul de certa forma parecem destoantes ao trabalho do arquiteto que ficou muito conhecido por ser austero, frio e racionalista, principalmente por suas obras nos anos 20. No entanto, um panorama na história da arquitetura corbusiana faz com que se tenha um entendimento desta solução brutalista. É possível perceber a evolução da arquitetura moderna de Le Corbusier desde o início de sua carreira, passando por diferentes fases onde o arquiteto acaba por ter um aumento de seu repertório e consequentemente uma evolução em sua arquitetura, que vai de encontro as mudanças sociais e econômicas da sociedade. As Maisons Jaoul assumiram um papel importante na carreira do arquiteto e serviram de exemplo e inspiração para diversos projetos ao redor do mundo. / In 1951 the architect Le Corbusier was invited by his friend, the industrialist André Jaoul to design two houses, one for him and his wife and another for the family of his son, in the a Paris suburb. Due to the reduced budget, Le Corbusier adopted the use of brick walls and roofs in Catalan vaults and exposed concrete. These choices defined the brutalist aesthetics of the project and made the Maisons Jaoul worldwide known. The Maisons Jaoul seem however disoriented to the work of the architect who was well known for being austere, cold and rationalist, mainly for his works in the 1920s. However, a panorama in the history of Corbusian architecture cause an understanding of this brutalist solution. It is possible to perceive the evolution of modern architecture of Le Corbusier from the beginning of his career, passing through different phases where the architect ends up having an increase of its repertoire and consequently an evolution that goes into the social and economic changes of society. Maisons Jaoul took an important role in the architect's career and served as an example and inspiration for several projects all around the world.

La thèse constitue une analyse physique, sociale et économique du paysage de deux villages himalayens de l’Inde (Uttarakhand) : Darkot et Sharmoli, par rapport au bourg voisin de Munsiyari qui jouit de fonctions administratives, commerciales et touristiques. Sharmoli est plus proche de Munsiyari, tandis que Darkot est distant de 7 km, et à une altitude plus basse. 173 ménages furent enquêtés. Les villages sont peuplés de Bhotias (classés Scheduled Tribes mais hindous de haute caste), Thakurs (haute caste) et ex-intouchables (Scheduled Castes). Les Bhotias pratiquaient le commerce avec le Tibet, et les autres castes étaient en position de dominés, mais à partir de 1962, avec l’arrêt du commerce et le transfert des terres des Bhotias aux Thakurs leurs anciens métayers, nombre de changements sont apparus dans la vie physique, sociale et économique des deux villages. Darkot est un village très ancien où les structures de caste, de religion et les hiérarchies demeurent très visibles dans les espaces publics comme privés, tandis que Sharmoli, construit il y a 4 ou 5 décennies, est moins marqué. Les habitants des deux villages adoptent de nouveaux types de maisons, avec de nouveaux matériaux de construction et un changement d’utilisation des pièces. Mais l’utilisation du sol à Sharmoli est marquée par le tourisme, au contraire de Darkot. L’agriculture dépasse le seuil de subsistance dans les deux cas. La majorité des hommes des deux villages est engagée dans les services (commerce) mais très peu comme fonctionnaires. L’âge moyen des actifs dans les villages dépasse 40 ans, ce qui signale l’émigration des jeunes vers les villes et la présence d’un grand nombre de retraités, notamment à Darkot. Le revenu par tête dépasse le seuil de pauvreté (3 $ par jour), mais pourrait être supérieur si les qualifications étaient supérieures et les opportunités dans les villages plus abondantes. Les femmes, notamment Bhotia, travaillent souvent dans l’artisanat, et les chambres d’hôte sont devenues une bonne source de revenu pour des ménages de Sharmoli. Globalement, le système clientéliste entre les Bhotias et les deux autres castes a disparu. Mais le paysage social de Darkot témoigne de plus d’orthodoxie dans l’espace public, puisque la religion, le temple, la caste jouent un rôle important en comparaison avec Sharmoli où dominent des fêtes modernes et profanes. La situation des femmes n’est pas très bonne dans aucun des villages, et des factions existent, notamment entre Bhotias et Thakurs. Au final, Darkot comme Sharmoli montrent les caractéristiques de la tradition et de la modernité, à travers l’analyse socio-économique des espaces privés et publics. / The thesis revolves around the physical, social and economic analysis of the landscape of two Himalayan villages in Uttarakhand, India: of Darkot and Sharmoli with respect to the core Munsiyari which exhibits administrative, market and tourism functions. Sharmoli is located near the core while Darkot is situated at a distance of 7 kms. and at a lower height than Sharmoli. The villages are inhabited by Bhotias (scheduled tribe as well as high-caste Hindus), Thakurs (high-caste Hindus) and lower-caste (scheduled castes) people. Around 173 families belonging to different castes are surveyed in the two villages. Bhotias used to practice trade with Tibet and the other two castes were their subordinates, but after 1962 with the stoppage of trade and transfer of Bhotias’ land to the tiller Thakurs, a lot of changes have come about in the physical, social and economic life of both the villages. The analysis of the landscape of Darkot and Sharmoli shows that Darkot is a very old village with the presence of elements of caste, religion, hierarchy etc. in its settlement pattern of private and public spaces, while Sharmoli has been constructed in the last 4-5 decades with a lower degree of influence of social and physical factors. The inhabitants of both the villages are adopting modern-design and new types of houses with contemporary construction materials while the uses of rooms are changing as per need. Land in the Sharmoli is used more for tourism-related activities which are absent in case of Darkot, while agriculture is far from subsistence level in both the villages. Majority of the male inhabitants of both the villages are engaged in service sector activities such as labour, business, private jobs etc. while very few are in government services. The average age of the earner in both the villages is beyond 40 years which shows the out-migration of young people to the towns and cities along with the presence of a large number of pensioners, esp. in Darkot. Though the villagers are not poor with regard to per-capita income, yet their earnings are lower (i.e. around $3 per day) because of poor educational qualifications and skills, along with lack of good opportunities in the villages. Women (esp. of Bhotia caste) are engaged in handicrafts while home-stays have come up as a new and good source of income for the families in Sharmoli. Overall, the patron-client relationship between Bhotias and the other two castes in economic terms has been loosened. The social landscape of Darkot depicts more orthodoxy in public space as religion, temple, caste play an important role in Darkot in comparison to Sharmoli where modern cultural and secular festivals dominate the landscape. The situation of women is not very good in both the villages while the caste factions (esp. among Bhotias and Thakurs) are clearly visible. Hence, both Darkot and Sharmoli depict characteristics of tradition and modernity depending upon the social and economic analysis of private and public spaces.

Em 1951, o arquiteto Le Corbusier foi convidado por seu amigo, o industrialista André Jaoul para projetar duas casas uma para ele e sua esposa e outra para a família de seu filho, no subúrbio de Paris. Devido ao orçamento reduzido, Le Corbusier adotou o uso de paredes portantes de tijolos, coberturas em abóbadas catalãs e vigas de concreto aparente. Estas escolhas definiram a estética brutalista do projeto e fizeram com que as Maisons Jaoul se tornassem conhecidas mundialmente. As Maisons Jaoul de certa forma parecem destoantes ao trabalho do arquiteto que ficou muito conhecido por ser austero, frio e racionalista, principalmente por suas obras nos anos 20. No entanto, um panorama na história da arquitetura corbusiana faz com que se tenha um entendimento desta solução brutalista. É possível perceber a evolução da arquitetura moderna de Le Corbusier desde o início de sua carreira, passando por diferentes fases onde o arquiteto acaba por ter um aumento de seu repertório e consequentemente uma evolução em sua arquitetura, que vai de encontro as mudanças sociais e econômicas da sociedade. As Maisons Jaoul assumiram um papel importante na carreira do arquiteto e serviram de exemplo e inspiração para diversos projetos ao redor do mundo. / In 1951 the architect Le Corbusier was invited by his friend, the industrialist André Jaoul to design two houses, one for him and his wife and another for the family of his son, in the a Paris suburb. Due to the reduced budget, Le Corbusier adopted the use of brick walls and roofs in Catalan vaults and exposed concrete. These choices defined the brutalist aesthetics of the project and made the Maisons Jaoul worldwide known. The Maisons Jaoul seem however disoriented to the work of the architect who was well known for being austere, cold and rationalist, mainly for his works in the 1920s. However, a panorama in the history of Corbusian architecture cause an understanding of this brutalist solution. It is possible to perceive the evolution of modern architecture of Le Corbusier from the beginning of his career, passing through different phases where the architect ends up having an increase of its repertoire and consequently an evolution that goes into the social and economic changes of society. Maisons Jaoul took an important role in the architect's career and served as an example and inspiration for several projects all around the world.

La présente thèse offre une nouvelle explication des variations du taux de propriété de différents pays en mobilisant de larges parts de la littérature existante en histoire urbaine et des données portant sur les villes. La littérature existante a souvent son origine dans l’opposition des pays germanophones et des pays anglophones, les derniers montrant un taux de propriété systématiquement plus élevé que les premiers. Par une étude historique comparative des cas américain et allemand, considérés comme exemplaire pour les types de pays, la thèse essaie de répondre à la question que pose l’écart persistant entre les taux de propriété allemand et américain. La présente thèse argue que c’étaient des différences en organisations urbaines au 19e siècle et de différentes institutions de financement de logement et de construction qui ont mis les pays sur des trajectoires différentes. Elle maintient que le laissez-faire de certaines municipalités faibles a plutôt privilégie des villes périurbanisées sous formes de maisons individuelles aux États-Unis, alors que les municipalités corporatistes allemandes tendaient à mener aux villes compactes d’immeubles de rapport ; que le développement de sociétés d’épargne-logement américaines favorisait le financement de maisons en propriété individuelle, alors que les banques hypothécaires allemandes et les associations de logement privilégiaient les immeubles de location ; que l’émergence d’une production Fordiste des pavillons standardisés facilitait la vulgarisation de la propriété, alors que la production artisanale allemande la limitait. Une fois ces structures établie – ainsi va l’argument faisant allusion à la dépendance au sentier – elles furent perpétuées par des mécanismes de pouvoir de groupes d’intérêt, de fonctionnalité économique, alors que des processus de conversion du locatif en propriété ainsi que de la périurbanisation pouvaient contrecarrer cette inertie structurelle. / The thesis gives an answer to the question of why different countries ended up with different rates of homeowners and tenants in the 20th-century. The literature identifies Germanspeaking countries of low homeownership rates around 40% and English-speaking countries of high homeownership rates of more than 60%, with France falling in between the two groups. Moreover, most of these differences have persisted through the second half of the 20th-century and can be shown to reach back to different urban homeownership rates around 1900. The homeownership-question is of importance beyond the mere question of tenure as studies have associated homeownership questions with stability in financial crises, with embourgeoisement of the working-class in life-style, attitudes and voting behavior or with different unemployment rates. Existing explanations have used post-1980 international, regional or individual data to explain homeownership differences through socio-demographic, economic or urbanization differences, through a public-welfare/homeownership trade-off or else through cultural preferences. These explanations fail to account, however, for the persistent country differences that existed already prior to the 1980s and prior to government intervention in housing. The thesis, by contrast, goes back to 19th-century differences of urban organization, housing finance and the construction sector to claim that countries were historically set on different housing trajectories establishing differences hard to reverse in later periods. The US and Germany are chosen for historic case studies of the often opposed country groups. France is included to use the variables found for explaining why a country of similar welfare type as Germany kept a persistently higher urban homeownership rate. The thesis claims that different complementary institutions in city organization, the housing finance and construction industry locked countries into inert physical and institutional structures of either the compact tenement city-form in Germany or the suburbanized form of a city of homes like in the United States. More concretely, functional complementarities of public welfare cities, housing cooperatives, mortgage banks and a raftsmanship production of solid single-unit homes led to the German tenant-dominance, whereas private cities, savings and loans (SLAs) and a Fordist mass production of single-family homes created the American production regime in favor of more accessible homeownership. Though the thesis establishes the argument for Germany and the US in historic case studies, it tries to make plausible that it can be extended to other German- and English-speaking countries. The innovation of the thesis concerning the particular explanatory puzzle lies in its reference to relevant historical prior causes, its inclusion of the urban level of analysis and the combination of three institutional factors – urban organization, housing finance, construction – that even singly have not been put forward yet in comparative explanations. The thesis contributes to the literature on path dependencies that identifies distant occurrences as longterm causes for hard-to-reverse historical trajectories. On a theoretical level, the study contributes to research in a yet little noticed type of market, i.e. markets for durable goods whose use stretches over time, and which therefore requires history-directed explanations.

Ces lieux qui m'habitent est le titre de l'exposition qui concrétise ma maîtrise en arts visuels à l'Université Laval. Elle se compose de 25 photographies argentiques assemblées en trois diptyques et en six triptyques ainsi que d'un texte accompagnateur. Ce mémoire constitue le cheminement de mes deux années de recherche qui m'a ammenée à réaliser cette production visuelle. Il est question, dans le premier chapitre, de l'origine du présent projet à travers trois séries antérieures à celui-ci. La seconde section témoigne de ma préoccupation pour le médium photographique et de mon processus de création. Enfin, la troisième partie se veut la reflexion sur mon exposition et de ce qui m'a ammenée à produire mes clichés. Ces lieux qui m'habitent est un parcours photographique où j'a i effectué des prises de vues de lieux abandonnés. Je vous fais donc découvrir ces endroits qui ont attirer mon regard et qui, plus que tout, font partie de ma région natale le Bas-Saint-Laurent. L'exposition est présentée du 7 au 12 août à la Galerie des arts visuels de l'Université Laval.