This paper will question why the African Union has been unsuccessful in confronting the rising issue of transnational terrorism. It looks at the history of both the Organization of African Unity and the African Union and examines the measures the two organizations have taken in preventing and combating terrorism. The particular history of African States and their relation to the term “terrorism” is discussed in this section. In this light, I analyze the African Union’s peacekeeping missions in both Somalia and Mali to determine why they have failed to stop the spread of transnational terrorism. In conclusion, I will discuss the reasons why I the African Union has struggled in dealing with transnational terrorism.

International actors from International Organizations, Western States, Think tanks, risk management consultancies, NGOs, and private security companies understand borderless threats like clandestine migration, drug trafficking, and international terrorism to emanate from ‘ungoverned spaces’ in the Global South. The Sahelian sub-region of West Africa has taken a prominent place in global discourses of insecurity and borderless threats. These non-traditional security concerns have been translated into an expanding array of transnational governance initiatives that bring together the activities and practices of a wide range of state and non-state, global and local, and public and private actors in efforts to deal with the challenges that borderless threats are assumed to present. This dissertation argues that attempts to govern drug trafficking in the Sahel are producing global assemblages of security intervention: shifting, multi-scalar, institutional orders that reorient and reconfigure the security practices, knowledges, mentalities, technologies, and priorities of multiple sets of governance actors across disparate jurisdictional spaces. The effects of the transnationalized security governance and capacity-building initiatives that unfold in simultaneous, connected spaces of intervention amplify and alter positions of social power and prominence in local fields of conflict. Through the practices and projects of global security experts and capacity-builders in the Sahel, new forms of international capital are introduced and become realized in local settings that intensify rivalries between local, national, and regional security institutions over the question of the recognition of their authority over security matters. In their relationships with international capacity-builders and other global actors, sets of local recipients of security governance interventions practice forms of extraversion whereby their structural positions of dependence and differentials of power and resources are leveraged to accumulate forms of international capital that they then use to dominate the fields of power in which they are embedded. The dissertation examines three components of the assemblages of security intervention in West Africa: the effects of the transnational field of capacity- building in the Sahelian interior; the establishment and operation of the UNODC Airport Communications drug interdiction project (AIRCOP) at Dakar’s International Airport, and the joint UNODC/World Customs Organization Container Control Programme operating at the port of Dakar. It advances new empirical material from these case studies, and makes contributions to debates in three sub-fields of International Relations: critical security studies, global governance, and international statebuilding.

As history is focused on the past and sociology deals with the present, shouldn't be international relations oriented towards the future? On the concrete example of Mali crisis are demonstrated the advantages of the scenario building method, which enhances the relevance of theories of international relations. Northern Mali has been traditionally isolated geographically, politically and economically. Since the beginning of 2012, fights broke out again. The rising threat of Islamist groups was confirmed in the Sahel. This thesis primarily deals with the potential evolution of the Malian crisis, which has been caused by a complex set of interactions. The analysis of events preceding the crisis enables to define driving factors, which will continue to influence the crisis in the future. In addition are defined key uncertainties that could substantially reverse its predictable evolution. Four scenarios outlining alternative future development in northern Mali will be constructed in accordance with a chosen new scenario building method. They differ from each other by varied interactions between key actors and key unknowns and by their temporal and spatial dynamics.

La problématique de l’insertion socio-économique a pris de l’ampleur ces dernières années. En effet, au Mali comme dans tous les pays en voie de développement, l’insertion socio- économique est un problème récurrent, s’insérer devient un véritable parcours de combattant. Au Mali, ce problème touche majoritairement la jeunesse qui reste la couche la plus vulnérable. Notre recherche s’intéresse aux jeunes dans leur parcours d’insertion, mais elle a particulièrement ciblé les jeunes de l’APEJ, ce choix n’est pas anodin car l’APEJ est une structure d’insertion bien représentée sur l’ensemble du pays. Donc notre travail de thèse consiste à analyser les difficultés rencontrées par les jeunes dans leurs parcours d’insertion socio- économique à travers l’étude de leurs trajectoires. Pour cerner notre objet d’étude, nous avons émis l’hypothèse suivante : les difficultés rencontrées par les jeunes dans leur processus d’insertion socio-économique seraient dû à l’inadéquation entre la formation et l’emploi d’une part et d’autre part la non maîtrise de l’esprit d’entrepreneuriat. Du point de vue méthodologique, nous avons nourri notre recherche en nous référent sur des auteurs qui ont travaillé sur l’insertion, la jeunesse ; mais aussi des rapports, des comptes rendus, des données statistiques. Pour recueillir les données, nous avons utilisés une méthode mixte (qualitative et quantitative) à travers l’entretien semi-directif et le questionnaire, administré un échantillon de 460 personnes. A la suite de nos enquêtes, nous avons décelé cinq (5) trajectoires d’insertion socio- économique des jeunes qui sont : stage-chômage, stage-emploi, concours-examen, formation- création d’AGR, relations sociales-emploi. L’analyse de ces trajectoires ont permis de ressortir les difficultés suivantes : difficulté liée à la qualité de la formation reçue (niveau des jeunes par rapport à l’emploi), difficulté liée aux profils de formation et du problème de reconversion/adaptation (au niveau de l’APEJ), difficulté liée au financement et à la gestion des fonds. Enfin, pour résoudre ces difficultés, nous préconisons : la formation et le renforcement des capacités des jeunes comme stratégie d’insertion socio-économique ; la promotion de l’entrepreneuriat jeune comme alternative à l’insertion socio-économique des jeunes au Mali / Sociological analysis of trajectories and socio économic integration of young people in Malia : example of APEJ Integration in the professionnal world has become an expanding issue these last years in particularly in Mali, as in other developing nations, where integration can turn into the longest journey. In Mali, this issue concerns first of all the youth, which is the most vulnerable social group. Our research targets the young adults and aims to understand their integration process. We have been investigation mostly with youngsters supported by the « APEJ » which stands for « Agence pour la promotion de l'emploi des jeunes » (agency for the promotion of youth employement), a widespread agency in Mali. Our research involves analysing their integration process to identify potential challenges. To conduct this research, we hypothesized that the challenges that these people come across in their integration process are due to an inadequacy between their training and job requirements on the one hand, and low awareness the culture of entrepreneurship on the other hand. As regards to methods, we have referred to authors who have studied integration and youth, and also reports and statistics. To collect data, we have used both qualitative and quantitative methods with semi-structured interviews and a survey of 460 people. As a result, we have identified 5 different types of social and economical integration process which are: internship-unemployement, internish-employement, contests and examinations, training course – business creation, social network – employement. These different integration processes show the challenges young people have to face: problems due to the quality of education (with inadequacy between these young people experiences and requierments in the worksplace), problems linked to their training profiles and the issue of reconversion, lack of funding and fund management. Lastly, to adress these issues, we suggest to promote training of young people and reinforcement of their squills as an integration strategy, and to promote entrepreneurship as an alternative to integration.

This diploma theses deals with attempts to declare independent states, namely in the case of the Republic of Azawad, Logone and Boko Haram caliphate, which originated between 2012 and 2015. Today, the existence of deviant forms of the state is nothing new, so there are many concepts and classifications that relate to this issue. For this theses will be the significant particular concept of states-within-states by Ian Spears and Paul Kingston and the classification by Bartosz Stanislawski, extended by authors Katarzyn Pełczyńska-Nałęc, Krzysztof Strachot and Maciej Falkowski. The subsequent description of the causes, the way of dominating the area and the events after the declaration of the independent state itself in the individual case studies will lead to a analysis of the way in which the area is administrated or the newly established institutions. Due to this analysis, it will be able to apply the states-within-states concept and Bartosz Stanislawki's classification and then determine whether this application is possible in all three cases. The last part of the work, which should confirm or disapprove the main hypothesis of the work, will then be used to evaluate whether the specific attempts are rather effective or ephemeral projects.

No description available.

This paper examines how the Czech press reported on EUTM in Mali in 2012-2018, how it was reported by responsible political institutions and how the communicated content differed. In both cases, the predominance of episodic framing was confirmed. Concerning the generic frames, conflict and responsibility frames prevailed. While there have been some characteristics of peace journalism in the press, it is not enough to qualify the media as performing peace journalism in general. In the communication of the Ministry of Defence of the Czech Republic and the Army of the Czech Republic, it was possible to observe a tendency to "humanize" some of the stories, especially by describing the everyday activities of soldiers. The Czech Republic's participation in the EU mission was most often associated with the Common Foreign and Security Policy and with general security aspects. In addition to the media and institutional agenda of the conflict in Mali, the work also reflects on the analytical usefulness of the concept of peace journalism.

The UN Security Council established on the 25th of April, 2013; The United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) to support political processes in that country and carry out a number of security-related tasks. The mission was authorized a strong mandate by the Security Council to carry out its tasks and to protects its mandate. Despite the mission’s strong mandate, violence on civilians has not reduced which has led to a debate on whether the UN can handle the situation in Mali. This study tries to examine whether MINUSMA can be described according to David Kilcullens conceptualisation of a COIN-operation in three pillars of counterinsurgency, by doing so this study hopes to give theoretical insight and enable a way of understanding the goals and means of the mission in Mali more than the stabilizing mandate does. The result of the analysis shows that MINUSMA can be described as a COIN-operation in large extent, mainly in the areas of cooperation, information and security. The result also shows that even if MINUSMA doesn´t work directly in the area of politics & economics they support both direct and indirect other agencies that does, thereby giving theoretical insight to the mission in Mali.

No description available.

Mali, a poor country in the West African Sahel region, has been at war since 2012. What began as an uprising in its sparsely developed northern half has spread to the rest of the country and enveloped large parts of neighbouring countries. Several outside militaries and a UN peace-keeping mission have been deployed to the country, making the Malian government dependent on outside support to maintain territorial control. This thesis analyses speeches delivered in 2012-2023 by Malian state representatives at the United Nations General Debate and United Nations Security Council. Narrative method and theory are used to identify strategic narratives in these speeches, i.e., narratives employed by an actor in international affairs to gain a favourable outcome for that actor. These narratives are identified and contextualised to understand what Mali’s ultimate strategic objectives with deploying them could be. They are put in the context of already existing master narratives, dominant stories told about the country and the region. The thesis identifies two major strategic narratives, one covering 2012-2020, when Mali portrays itself as a democratic country under assault from terrorists, it latches on to dominant narratives on fears of state collapse and the Sahel region as a front line in the war on terror, ultimately seeking to portray its civil war as a matter that should concern the entire world. In late 2020, the military takes control in Mali and a new strategic narrative is employed at the UN. The military regime breaks ties with France, the old colonial master, and employs a narrative that casts Mali as a post-colonial victim of a nefarious French plot to subjugate the Malian state.