Orientador: Marcos Aurélio / Banca: João Pedro / Banca: Dennis De Oliveira / Resumo: Esta dissertação apresenta a televisão digital n Brasil como um componente comunicacional de intervenção pedagógica para a educação conscientizadora das relações étnico-raciais positivas. A pesquisa contempla o estudo sobre as relações étnico-raciais no Brasil: o mito da democracia racial, os conceitos de preconceito, discriminação racial e racismo, a construção da identidade afrodescendente; a "educação libertadora"; as "Africanidades Brasileiras"; a relação entre TV digital e educação democrática. Através do estudo de caso, identifica-se a concepção de "educação como prática da liberdade", bem como a presença das categorias de análise "Africanidades brasileiras" - representadas pelos valores civilizatórios afro-brasileiros: Ancestralidade, Oralidade, Comunitarismo/Circularidade, Força Vital e Corporeidade - na produção de conteúdo educativo do programa Salto para o Futuro - TV Escola, o canal do Ministério da Educação / Resumen: Este trabajo presenta la TV digital en Brasil como un componente de comunicación y intervención pedagógica para la educación de la conciencia de las relaciones étnico-raciales positivas. La investigación se centra en el estudio de las relaciones étnicas y raciales en Brasil: el mito de la democracia racial, los conceptos de prejuicio, la discriminación racial y el racismo, la construcción de la identidad de ascendencia africana, una "educación liberadora", el "Africanidades brasileiras", la relación entre la televisión digital y la educación democrática. A través del estudio de caso, identifica la concepción de la "educación como práctica de la liberdad", asi como la presencia de categorías de análisis "Africanidades Brasileiras" - representado por los valores de la civilización africana - brasileira: Ancestralidade, Oralidade, Comunitarismo Circularidade, Força Vital, Corporeidade - en la producción de contenidos educativos del programa Salto para o Futuro - TV Escola, el canal del Ministerio de Educación / Mestre

Thesis (MA (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) may be described as one of the most important events in the recent South African past. The TRC’s activities included an examination of gross human rights violations between 1960 and 1994, as well as amnesty hearings for those believed to be guilty of human rights violations. In addition, the TRC had to decide on the possibilities for reparations to victims, and had to compile a comprehensive report on the nature of the abovementioned violations. This process was shrouded in controversy. For example, criticism was levelled at the TRC because of the perception that it was intended as a witch-hunt against Afrikaners. The danger of subjectivity was also mentioned often. How was the public kept up to date about the activities of the TRC? The media played an important role in the distribution of information to those who could not readily attend the various hearings of the TRC.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The furor around racism in the media was brought to the surface in 1999 when the Black Lawyers Association and the Association of Black Accountants of South Africa appealed to the South African Human Rights Commission to investigate the South African media. This request was based on the presumption that the South African media was rife with racism and urgently required attention. The subsequent enquiry was the source of much controversy and accusation. Almost three years since the enquiries inception, the issue of racism in the South African media has not disappeared despite decreasing media coverage in recent months. When the South African Human Rights Commission launched the enquiry into racism, prominent media leaders including key editors and newspaper representatives were summoned to appear before the controversial Commission. Some media leaders felt the Commission was a direct attack on the freedom of the Press. Others felt the enquiry was long overdue or slammed it as an all-time flop. Furthermore, pure and simple criticism of the government is still perceived as racism when it is the Press fulfilling its role as the 'watchdog of democracy' . Various Press theories, for example Developmental or Libertarian, impact on the perceived role of the Press in a democratic nation. The standard of journalism in a country can also impact on the way in which the press is perceived. For example, there are times when inept reporting is misunderstood as racist reporting. This assignment is a broad overview of the enquiry into racism in the media and the concerns around this issue as well as the response to it. It takes a closer look at the role of the media and the relationship between the media and the state. In particular, it focuses on how criticism of the government can be misread as racism, as well as investigating how the standard of journalism impacts on the way in which the media serve the public. The South African National Editors Forum launched a skills audit in 2002 and the results were surprisingly negative. The general standard of journalism in South Africa was assessed as "low". This assignment looks at the findings of the audit in the light of the above questions surrounding the standard of journalism as it pertains to reporting on race and accuracy, understanding and objectivity. The last section of the assignment takes a brief look at several examples of how to report on race in South Africa and what to be aware of when considering sensitivity to race issues. The questions as to whether it is racism, healthy criticism misconstrued as racism, or simply inept reporting, are explored. Although an expansive topic by nature, this paper provides an overview of the key issues pertaining to media ethics as it pertains to racism in the South African media. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die skandaaloor rasisme in die media was te vore gebring in 1999 toe die Black Lawyers' Association en die Association of Black Accountants die Suid Afrikaanse Menslike Regtes Kommissie gevra het om die Suid Afrikaanse media te ondersoek. Die versoek was gebaseer op die gedagte dat die Suid Afrikaanse media rasisties is en dringend aandag nodig het. Die ondersoek was baie kontroverseel en het na baie beskuldiging gelei. Omtrent drie jaar nadat die ondersoek begin het, is die kwessie van rasisme in die Suid Afrikaanse media nog lewendig alhoewel daar minder daaroor geskryf is in die land se publikasies. Toe die Suid Afrikaanse Menslike Regtes Kommissie die ondersoek op rasisme begin het, is belangrike media leiers - redakteurs en koerant verteenwoordiges - voor die Kommissie geroep. Sommige van die media leiers het gevoel dat die kommissie 'n direkte aanval op Vryheid van die Pers was; ander het gevoel dat die Ondersoek belangrik was en nog ander dit as 'n mislukking bestempel het. Eenvoudige kritiek van die regering deur die Pers is ook as rasisme gesien alhoewel hulle die rol van 'bewaarder van demokrasie' vervul. Daar is verskeie Pers teories, byvoorbeeld "Developmental" of "Libertarian" wat die persepsie van die rol van die pers beindruk het. Die standaard van joernalistiek in 'n land bepaal deur hoe die Pers gesien is. Byvoorbeeld, somtyds is slegte verslaggewering as rasisties bestempel. Hierdie opdrag is 'n wye oorsig van die ondersoek op rasisme in die media, die bekommernis oor die kwessie en die reaksie daaroor. Dit kyk nader na die rol van die media en die verhouding tussen die media en die staat. Dit fokus op hoe kritiek van die regering as rasisme misgelees kan word en gee ondersoek aan hoe die standard van journalistiek na beskuldiging van rasisme kan lei. Die "South African National Editors' Forum" het 'n Vaardighede oudit in 2002 opgedoen en die uitslae was negatief. Die standaard van joernalisme in Suid Afrika was as "laag" assesseer. Hierdie opdrag kyk na die oudit se vindings in die lig van die bogenoemde vrae oor die standard van joernalistiek: verslaggewing oor rase en akuraatheid, en objectiviteit. Die laaste deel van die opdrag kyk na verskeie voorbeelde van hoe om oor rase verslag te gee en waaroor te dink as jy sensitief teenoor rase kwessies wil wees. Die volgende vrae is na gekyk: Is dit rasisme; gesonde kritiek wat as rasisme bestempel word, of eenvoudig, slegte verslaggewing? Hierdie opdrag gee 'n wye oorsig oor die belangrike kwessies van media etiek in verhouding met rasisme in die Suid Afrikaanse media.

This dissertation aims to interpret holiday imagery in the media, as a site of South African cultural production, on the basis of newspaper images of local white and black people published in the Natal Mercury from 1966 to 1996. A strong historical approach (the history of the Western holiday) has been taken in order to analyze existing social structures relating to the holiday in South Africa, specifically gender, race and class. These social structures have been examined in depth, with the result of numerous interpretations being made about behaviour and the depiction of behaviour in the context of Durban beaches and leisure. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2003.

Thesis (MPhil) -- University of Stellenbosch, 2004 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After 1994, the year in which the first democratic election in the country was held and which placed South Africa irrevocably on the road to the creation of a new society, many institutions had to change to adapt to the new circumstances. All government and private institutions were compelled to adhere to transformation requirements. This study investigates the damage to blacks in the period before 1994, as well as the legal instruments and other regulations of the new government to assist black empowerment, with a view to creating a more equal society. The transformation of media institutions is a subject which, up to now, has not yet been researched thoroughly. This study was undertaken to establish the progress that has been made by Media24, a Naspers affiliate. The paper discusses the practical problems surrounding transformation, specifically those attached to an historic Afrikaans "white" institution like Media24. The conclusion which was derived at after interviews with top management, is that the company's leadership has moved into a position where transformation isn't questioned any more. Practical efforts are now being made to accelerate affirmative action and transformation. An audit of Media24 which was completed in 2004, and which is indicative of the company's achievements according to the transformational charter for black economic empowerment, was studied. The result shows that Media24 has made excellent progress in some areas, but has failed to achieve the desired results in others. Resulting from this, Media24's management began to set specific goals in order to be able to adhere to certain legal requirements (which includes, amongst others, affirmative action) within a specific time frame. Some of the proposals in this study include: That Media24's upcoming leadership should be measured against its ability to understand the requirements to do business in a new, diverse society; that more successful communication measurements be instituted around transformational processes and measurements and that a transformational ombud be appointed to highlight shortcomings and to help accelerate the process. The study has not exhausted the subject and, with transformation being an ongoing process, it is recommended that it be investigated further. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ná 1994, die jaar waarin die eerste demokratiese verkiesing in die land gehou is en Suid-Afrika onherroeplik op pad na die skepping van 'n "nuwe samelewing" geplaas is, sou baie instellings moes verander om by die nuwe omstandighede aan te pas. Alle staats- en private instellings sou aan transformasievereistes onderhewig wees. Dié werkstuk ondersoek kortliks die benadeling van swart mense in die tydperk voor 1994 en die wetlike instrumente en ander maatreëls van die nuwe regering om swart bemagtiging te help versnel en 'n meer gelyke samelewing te help skep. Die transformasie van media-instellings is 'n onderwerp wat nog nie behoorlik nagevors is nie en dié studie is aangepak om vas te stel hoe ver Media24, 'n filiaal van Naspers, gevorder het daarmee. Die praktiese probleme rondom transformasie word uitgelig, spesifiek dié by'n histories Afrikaanse "wit" instelling soos Media24. Die afleiding wat gemaak word uit onderhoude met die topbestuur van Media24 is dat die maatskappy se leierskap verby die punt is waar transformasie bevraagteken word. Praktiese pogings word nou aangewend om regstellende aksie maatreëls te versnel en transformasie vinniger te laat geskied. 'n Oudit van Media24 wat in 2004 uitgevoer is en wat die maatskappy se prestasie volgens die bemagtigingstelkaart vir swart ekonomiese bemagtiging aandui, is bestudeer. Die resultaat daarvan het getoon dat Media24 op sekere gebiede van swart bemagtiging goed vaar, maar op ander gebiede ver agter is. Media24 se bestuur het na aanleiding hiervan bepaalde teikens begin stelom die wetlike vereistes, wat onder meer regstellende aksie insluit, binne 'n sekere tydperk na te kom. Van die voorstelle in die studie sluit in: dat Media24 se opkomende leierskorps gemeet word aan die mate waarin hulle die vereistes verstaan om in die nuwe, diverse samelewing sake te doen, daar groter kommunikasie in die maatskappy moet wees oor transformasieprosesse- en maatreëls en dat 'n transformasie-ombud aangestel word om op tekortkominge te wys en die proses te help versnel. Die studie het nie die onderwerp uitgeput nie en verdere navorsing kan aangepak word, veralomdat transformasie 'n deurlopende proses is.

The International, as the weekly newspaper of the International Socialist League, articulated from 1915 to 1919 an ideology which stood opposed both to organised labour and nationalist movements in South Africa. This situation reflected significant historical struggles during this period, which constitutes essential background to the discourse of the International. The International's writers opposed the institution of trade unionism in the labour movement because it was fragmented on the lines of skill and race. They opposed both the National Party and the South African Native National Congress because they advocated racial (and national) rather than working class interests. Instead, these writers, according to their international socialist paradigm, advocated a working class united irrespective of race and skill at the level of industry. To analyse these ideological positions, discourse analysis provides a fruitful method for locating its dynamics in relation to other positions and extra-ideological (contextual) practices: The International's writers g~nerated a socialist position against racism by engaging in an ideological struggle in discourse. They articulated their anti-racist position from international socialism's critique of the 'languages' of both militarism and trade unionism in the discourse of labour. Within the discourse of militarism, the working class was signified as divided between hostile nations. These writers applied this as a metaphor to the division of the local labour movement and criticised the latter accordingly. In their view, just as workers were divided between the nations (nationalism), so they were divided within the nation (racism) in South Africa. One context cohered with the other, and both agreed with imperatives of international capitalism. This was fundamentally opposed to the principles of international socialism which characterised the International's discourse. Within the dominant discourse oflabour, workers were signified as divided between different trade unions on the basis of skills. Furthermore, in the South African context, trade unions organised only white workers, and ignored the far larger proportion of black labour. In this context, the International advocated industrial unionism, and criticised the narrow base of the white trade unions for fragmenting and weakening the working class in South African. The International's writers were thus led by the discourse of international socialism to a new discourse, whereby not white workers alone, but a racially-united working class movement would be the key to a socialist future in South Africa. Their struggle entailed a bid in and over discourse to rearticulate the sign of the 'native worker' within their own discourse as the dominant discourse type. Underpinning their struggle was a fundamental opposition to capitalist class relations.

This thesis examines the 1998 complaint of racism against the Mail & Guardian, a leading exponent of South Africa's alternative press in the 1980s, and important contemporary producer of investigative journalism. The study is framed within a cultural studies approach, analysing the Mail & Guardian as constituted by a 'circuit of production': its social context, production, texts, and audiences. The thesis makes three main arguments. First, that the claim of racism cannot be understood outside of a consideration of both the changing political milieu, and subtle changes within the Mail & Guardian itself. Significant social changes relate to the reconfiguration of racial and class identities wrought by the 'Mbeki state'. Within the Mail & Guardian, the thesis argues for the importance of the power and subjectivity of the editor as a key 'factor' shaping the identity of the paper, evidenced in its production practices and textual outputs. In this regard, the thesis departs from a functionalist analysis of particular 'roles' within the newsroom, drawing instead on a post-structuralist approach to organisational studies. Based on this production and social context, the thesis examines key texts which deal with aspects of South Africa's social transformation, and which exemplify aspects of the Mail & Guardian's reporting which led to the complaint of racism by the Black Lawyers Association (BLA) and the Association of Black Accountants (ABASA). Their complaint was that the Mail & Guardian's reporting impugned the dignity of black people, and in so doing was a violation of their rights to dignity and equality which are constitutionally guaranteed. However, as freedom of the press is also guaranteed by the South African constitution, their complaint to the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) resulted in public debate about these contending rights. My second argument relates to the jurisprudential approach to racism, and the related issue of affirmative action, which informed the complaint against the paper. Contrary to the 'normative', liberal approach to these issues, this thesis highlights Critical Race Theory as the jurisprudential basis for both the claimants' accusation of racism against the Mail & Guardian, and aspects of its implicit use in South African human rights adjudication. The thesis argues that in failing to recognise these different philosophical and political bases of legal reasoning, the media, including the Mail & Guardian, in reporting on these matters failed in their purported role of serving the public interest. The thesis concludes by applying Fraser's critique of Habermas's notion of a single, bourgeois public sphere to journalism, thereby suggesting ways in which the critiques of some of the Mail & Guardian's own journalists could be employed to enlarge its approach to journalism - giving voice to constituencies seldom heard in mainstream media.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Framing theory is one of the most used theories in the discussion of media effects on how people make sense of issues, especially in the political environment. Although it is majorly used for the discussion of news media, framing theory can also be applied in other areas surrounding media production. This thesis uses this theory to discuss how presidents are framed in fiction and implications of race and gender in the assessment of presidential characters by analyzing Fox’s fictional drama 24. Although at first the show seems to bring new options for the presidency, the analysis points Presidents Palmer and Taylor as unfit for office and President Logan as unethical and power-hungry. Following Entman’s (1993) process for analyzing frames in media, embedded white male hegemony was identified in the show. As the show presented a postfeminist and postracial world, it continued to frame femininity and blackness as the opposite to effective executive leadership. Further, white masculinity was associated with power, ambition and ultimately corruption. As other races and gender were pointed as unfit, the status quo was questioned as being corrupt. The show both increases the cynicism that people may develop against politics and damages a more proper consideration of women and people of color to be elected president.