Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2016-10-07T11:49:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 RAFAEL JOSÉ DA COSTA SANTOS.pdf: 967569 bytes, checksum: 3d3d5cb001539ceed9a92afa61bf4f83 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-07T11:49:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RAFAEL JOSÉ DA COSTA SANTOS.pdf: 967569 bytes, checksum: 3d3d5cb001539ceed9a92afa61bf4f83 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-31 / This dissertation’s research object is the militarization of the public school in Goiás. We made an investigation of the implantation of the Goiás’ Military Police schools in the public teaching system. The creation process of this kind of school is the result of the transference of the administration of basic school institutions to Goiás’ Military Police through the Public Security Department. We intended to show how such movement is modifying the transferred schools’ structure. They used to be democratic spaces open for all, but became militarized and selective structures. A historical analysis was made in order to show that the whirling rhythm of installation of the CPMGs has as background a political project promoted by the government of Goiás and that is resulting in social impact. Interest relations and conflictions are involved in such a context. The government of Goiás, which dominates the political space, imposes the military schools, and social groups that benefit from the militarization defend such a teaching mode. On the other hand, a part of the impaired civil society and community mobilizes itself and offers resistance. Besides that matter, this work reflects on subjects concealed from the discussions, such as the admission priority given to certain candidates, the choice of schools to become administrated by the police and the monthly fee. These factors select and exclude the students out of the school unities. The analysis made of the military teaching in the CPMGs allows us to approximate them to the Military School of the Brazilian Army, because they follow a common education guideline directed by the doctrine of the Military Forces, where the hierarchy and the discipline prevail, being also important the servile obedience to the military professionals. Despite that similarity, the research shows there are also differences between them. Different from the Military Schools, which prepare the young people to the military career, the CPMGs do not form students to the Military Forces, neither to the PM career, but they insert military values and practices into the civilians’ everyday life and formation. The research is widened as the historical analysis deepens and reveals the complexity of the military matter in the Brazilian society. Through the pondering about the formation of the State of Goiás, of the Military Police and of the public school, it is possible to clarify the deepening of a military idea of society which got into the institutions and into our society. Hence, in the territory of the public school of Goiás there is fertile ground for a military educational system. At the end of this study, an excursus was inserted with the aim of showing how previous researches regarding the theories of Michel Foucault were fundamental to inspire and guide this research. Such excursus works as an epistemology of the research and aims to show the ways that made it possible to build the object of study. / Esta dissertação tem como objeto de sua pesquisa a militarização da escola pública em Goiás. Realizou-se uma investigação sobre a implantação dos colégios da Polícia Militar de Goiás no sistema público de ensino. O processo de criação desse tipo de escola é resultado da transferência de instituições de ensino básico para a gestão da Polícia Militar de Goiás, por meio da Secretaria de Segurança Pública. A intenção foi mostrar como esse movimento está modificando a estrutura das escolas transferidas, as quais, se antes eram espaços democráticos e de acesso para todos, passaram a se constituir como estrutura militarizada e seletiva. Foi realizada análise histórica para mostrar que o ritmo vertiginoso da instalação dos CPMG tem como pano de fundo um projeto político promovido pelo governo de Goiás e isso está acarretando impacto social. Nesse contexto, estão envolvidas relações de interesse e de conflito nas quais o governo goiano, que domina a esfera pública, impõe os colégios militares e grupos sociais que se beneficiam da militarização defendem esse modo de ensino. Por outro lado, parte da sociedade civil e da comunidade atingida se mobiliza e exerce resistência. Além dessa questão, o trabalho reflete sobre assuntos escamoteados dos debates, tais como a prioridade das vagas dada a determinados candidatos, a escolha das escolas para se tornarem colégios da polícia e a cobrança de taxa mensal, fazendo os estudantes serem selecionados e excluídos dessas unidades. A análise sobre o ensino militar dos CPMG possibilita aproximá-los do Colégio Militar do Exército Brasileiro, porque eles seguem uma matriz comum de educação regulada na doutrina das Forças Armadas, com a predominância da hierarquia e da disciplina, além da obediência servil aos profissionais militares. Apesar da similaridade entre ambos, a pesquisa mostra haver pontos de distinção. Ao contrário dos Colégios Militares, que preparam jovens para a carreira militar, os CPMG não estão a serviço de formar nem estudantes para compor as Forças Armadas, nem para a carreira da PM, mas, isso sim, implantam valores e práticas militares no cotidiano e na formação de civis. A pesquisa é ampliada à medida que a análise histórica se aprofunda e revela a complexidade da questão militar na sociedade brasileira. Com a meditação sobre a formação do Estado de Goiás, da Polícia Militar de Goiás e da escola pública, é possível elucidar o enraizamento de uma concepção militar de sociedade que se introduziu nas instituições e na nossa cultura. Assim, é no território da escola pública goiana que se encontra terreno fértil para um sistema militar de ensino. No final do estudo, foi inserido um excurso com objetivo de mostrar como estudos prévios a respeito das teorias do filósofo Michel Foucault foram fundamentais para inspirar e orientar a pesquisa. Esse excurso funciona como uma epistemologia da pesquisa e tem por finalidade explicitar os caminhos que possibilitaram a construção do objeto.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-25T12:22:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Aline Chianca Dantas.pdf: 2235681 bytes, checksum: f6908e90cba608d7851dafbc1d10f674 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-04 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This paper aims to discuss the impact of the discourse of human security on the performance of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces and, consequently, on Japanese national security. In order to do this, the work is divided into four parts: exposure of the links between Japanese national security and SDF, presentation of the SDF s action, interaction of the SDF with the discourse of human security and the implications of human security discourse on Japanese national security, in terms of expanding the military character. The methodology adopted in this study is guided by a bibliographic research on the featured topics, emphasizing qualitative and quantitative aspects, whereas the theoretical approach is consistent with the time of each survey. The ideas used were the ones of Wendt s (1999), reflecting over the relationship between agent and structure, the constructive thoughts of Onuf (2002) and Zehfuss (2002), demonstrating the relevance of discourse and ultimately realistic assumptions connected with issues of power and interest. So, in the light of the exposed, it is argued that Japan is in a smooth process of militarization and normalization, within what is meant by pacific activism, having as one of its tools for this an instrument of soft power, that is the human security discourse. / Este trabalho objetiva debater o impacto do discurso de segurança humana sobre a atuação das Forças de Autodefesa Japonesas e, consequentemente, sobre a segurança nacional japonesa. Para isso, divide-se o trabalho em quatro partes: exposição dos laços entre a segurança nacional japonesa e as FAD, apresentação da atuação das FAD, interação das FAD com o discurso de segurança humana e as implicações do discurso de segurança humana sobre a segurança nacional japonesa, em termos de ampliação do caráter militar. A metodologia adotada nesse estudo pauta-se em pesquisas bibliográficas sobre os temas destacados, ressaltando-se aspectos qualitativos e quantitativos; já a abordagem teórica coaduna-se com cada momento da pesquisa, sendo utilizadas as ideias de Wendt (1999) da relação entre agente e estrutura, pensamentos construtivistas de Onuf (2002) e Zehfuss (2002), denotando-se a relevância do discurso e, finalmente, premissas realistas conectadas com questões de poder e interesse. Portanto, à luz do exposto, argumenta-se que o Japão encontra-se em processo de militarização e normalização suave, dentro do que se entende por ativismo pacífico, tendo como uma de suas ferramentas para isso um instrumento de soft power, que é o discurso de segurança humana.

[pt] O processo de metropolização do espaço é característico do presente momento histórico do capitalismo, em sua fase neoliberal. Nesse contexto, a produção do espaço assume novas formas de dominação e controle da vida cotidiana nunca antes imaginadas. A criação de novos setores da economia e a importância crescente do terceiro setor da economia inauguram esta nova fase da economia mundial, agora dependente da reprodução espacial. Dessa maneira, decorrem do processo de metropolização do espaço outros processos subsidiários, como é o caso do processo de militarização do espaço, que pode ser constatado nas mais distintas áreas urbanas do planeta, por motivos semelhantes ou singulares. Na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, apresentam-se diferentes aspectos de ambos os processos, e um deles é a Operação Segurança Presente. A operação é resultado da associação da Fecomércio-RJ (Federação de comércio de bens, serviços e turismo no Estado do Rio de Janeiro) e, no caso específico do Centro, com a Prefeitura da Cidade do Rio de Janeiro. A colaboração entre estes atores sociais para a promoção de segurança pública para algumas localidades da cidade do Rio de Janeiro é, sob muitos aspectos, um caso inédito, o que o torna consideravelmente relevante. Denota uma característica importante do capitalismo neoliberal contemporâneo, da indefinição entre público e privado, além de evidenciar novas formas de vigilância e controle da vida cotidiana. / [en] The metropolization process is typical of the present historical moment of capitalism in its neoliberal phase. In this context, the production of space takes on new means of domination and control of everyday life never imagined before. The creation of new economic sectors and the rising relevance of the third economic sector begin this new phase of the world economy, which now depends on spatial reproduction. This way, other subsidiary processes follow from the metropolization process, such as the militarization of space process that may be found in many different urban areas around the globe, either by similar or singular reasons. In Rio de Janeiro, there are many different aspects of both processes, and one of them is the Operação Segurança Presente. This operation results from the association between Fecomércio-RJ, the Rio de Janeiro s State Government and, in the central area specific case, the City Hall. Such collaboration between these social actors for the promotion of public security is, in many ways, unprecedent, which makes it extremely relevant. It means a very important characteristic of nowadays neoliberal capitalism, the lack of definition whether it s a public or private matter, besides the new ways of surveillance and control of everyday life.

With the uprising of the Arab Spring in Syria in 2011, a myriad of news articles covering Syrian people' protests were published in the international media. However, it was after the Islamic State’s (IS) attacks on Syria and accordingly, Rojava region ​– the ​Democratic Federation of Northern Syria, de facto Autonomous Region ​– in 2014, that the region became the attention center of the international media. A considerable number of academic articles have analyzed the representations of the Kurdish female fighters in the Western media in different angles, such as the framing of the female fighters, their motivations, their roles in the war etc. There may exist a limited number of academic papers analyzing the Kurdish female fighters from the non-Western media perspective which might present a different picture from that of Western media analysis. Applying framing theory in combination with a qualitative content analysis approach, this study is intended to explore the Kurdish female fighters’ framing in Arabic, Kurdish and Russian media, namely Al-Jazeera, ANF and RT, respectively. Moreover, orientalism theory, feminist theory on militarization and war, and war and peace journalism theory are implied to investigate the framing of the kurdish female fighters in the three media.

The thesis deals with the question of militarization and weaponization of the outer space and it analyse the actor's behaviour regarding space militarization and weaponization. The aim of the thesis is to find out whether the key actors cooperate or not in dealing with the use of the outer space. The relations between the key actors are analysed from the perspective of the game theory, particularly with the two models of behaviour: prisoner's dilemma and the tragedy of the commons. These models are used based on the assumption that they best describe the relations between actors in international relations as either cooperative or competitive. The aim is to evaluate whether these two models are valid in researching the behaviour of the key actors in the question of militarization of space. The analysed actors are the United States, Russia and China, as these are the three most important and successful space-faring nations with the biggest potential in the future of space exploration. Analysing their relations, the thesis attempts to evaluate whether the two models of the game theory are valid or not. For evaluating the prisoner's dilemma, bilateral relations are analysed, for the tragedy of the commons, their multilateral relations are analysed. What we learn from the analysis is that both models...

My diploma thesis focuses on women in the active reserve. Active reserve has become more popular due to new security threats and increasing need of people to be prepared when something goes wrong. In theoretical part I introduce the basic concepts that my work is based on. I focus on the active reserve from their origin till the nowadays. As for the empirical part, I have done ten semi-structured interviews with the women - members of the active reserve. The goal of this thesis is to find out what motivates the women to enter this primarily male-dominated area. Within my thesis I was also wondering what kind of reactions based on participation in active reserve my informants have to deal with and if there are any advantages or disadvantages connected with being the active reservist. Above all I was interested in personal experience of my informants. The keys words: active reserve, women, motivation, gender, army, interviews, militarization, military forces, army reserve

The objective of this study is to examine security measures in cities hosting sports mega events. Using International political sociology as a theoretical background, I argue that city spaces undergo what I refer to as dual securitization. I identify four principal characteristics of security measures which have become globally standardized and which I consider illiberal: exceptionalism, surveillance, militarization and urban restrictions. In the case studies, I explore how these measures were justified and employed during the Olympic Games or the FIFA World Cup in Beijing, South Africa, London and Rio de Janeiro. Despite some differences which are due to local realities, I argue that the approaches of the principal stakeholders in the four cities are very much alike. Regardless of the type of political regime or the degree of socio-economic development, exceptionality of mega events serves as an impetus for wide-scale and profound surveillance and militarization of contemporary cities. In the process, securing public spaces and urbanites comes at the expense of individual liberties.

This paper studies when warfare meets welfare in the Swedish contingency planning of healthcare in war during the period 1950 to 1985 with the aim of analysing how the planning changed, what caused these changes and how this can be linked to societal changes in the post-war Sweden. The analysis is carried out with the help of a self-adapted stakeholder model where first the change in planning and management is analysed and then seeks causal explanations for the key changes based on three military and three civilian drivers. The starting point for civilian contingency planning for health care in war was the Civil Air Protection investigation (SOU 1936:57). The investigation found that the need for civilian hospitalcare in war had changed because total war had blurred the boundaries between military and civilian health care. The report therefore proposed that a joint plan for hospital care in war should be established. The base of the new organization was the emergency hospitals, which were largely existing healthcare facilities, given that name in a war situation. To recreate wartime planning for health care, a Health Care Preparedness Board (Swe:Sjukvårdsberedskapsnämnden) was established in 1948 responsible for planning of health care in wartime. There were three major turning points in the planning. In 1950 based on experience from the conventional bombing wars of World War II, in 1959 based on the increasingly powerful nuclear weapons and in 1969 due to Sweden ceasing to plan total defence for a nuclear war. The consequences of the first two redesigns involved the wartime establishment of hundreds of small emergency hospitals outside the city centres, while from 1969 the large peacetime hospitals returned as the core of wartime health care. The 1970s and 1980s were characterized by a decentralization of responsibility of planning and wartime management from the state to the county councils (Swe: landstingen). The main causes for the turning points were the development of nuclear weapons and the expansion of the welfare state. The impact of nuclear weapons is demonstrated by the fact that there is a start and an end to the nuclear phase of planning. The expansion of the welfare state meant that the role of the county councils over 30 years went from carrying out orders from the state and the armed forces to controlling both management and planning and where the military's right toissue wartime directives was abolished. This can be explained by the expansion of health care during the same period and the increased power of the county councils that came with the expansion.The study shows that the militarization of Swedish civilian society was strong up until about 1970, but then rapidly declined and it was increasingly the armed forces that had to adapt to the structure and requirements of the peacetime health care rather than the other way around. Again,the reason for this shift is the significant expansion of the welfare state and the peacetime healthcare system, which shifted both economic and political power away from the military to the civilian health care system.

Outer Space has been a contested domain since the Cold War but in the past few decades with the advancement of technology, it has become even more desirable. Outer space has become extremely important in our everyday lives from satellite telecommunications, television broadcasting, weather forecasting, and navigation. The many uses of satellites can also trigger a dual use for military purposes and the weaponization of outer space. In the field of militarization and weaponization of outer space, there is not a significant set of agreements, except for the Outer Space Treaty (1967). This thesis is exploring the Russian behavior in the scope of their judicial and practical decisions in the militarization and weaponization of outer space. Their judicial decisions are analyzed with the balance of power theory since it better explains why Russia maintains a collaborative and diplomatic behavior in this domain. Their practical behavior is analyzed using offensive realism to better understand why they had developed aggressive behavior and chose to develop weapons in the field of outer space.

[pt] Esta tese costura histórias do Brasil, Colômbia e México, em que a linha entre a violência criminal, de um lado, e a violência política, de outro, tem sido produzida ao longo dos anos 2000. Ela se concentra em duas dimensões : primeiro , as práticas de produção de linhas de governos que justificam o aumento do papel dos militares na segurança pública, bem como dos próprios oficiais militares que implementam essas operações; e segundo , as práticas de governos e organizações da sociedade civil que estabelecem mecanismos de busca da verdade para esclarecer padrões e casos de violência do passado e do presente. Dois conjuntos de metáforas são mobilizados como dispositivos analíticos para fazer sentido desses processos, conectados aos diferentes significados do verbo em inglês to draw: por um lado, o ato de inscrever um traço sobre uma superfície; de outro, o ato de puxar um fio sobre um espaço tridimensional. Argumento que a produção daquela linha é central no tratamento da violência organizada por governos e org anizações da sociedade civil , em três países que têm sido marcados tanto por um aumento no emprego militar contra atores criminosos quanto o estabelecimento de mecanismos de justiça transicional dedicados ao direito das vítimas à verdade, frustrando expectativas associadas aos padrões de paz e ainda que tais tendências ocorram à luz de contextos históricos marcadamente distintos de democratização e processos de paz, como se discute na tese As histórias reunidas aqui serão informadas por um a análise diversas como documentos governamentais, relatórios de comissões da verdade, entrevistas com especialistas e ativistas de todos os três países e literatura acadêmica. Uma atenção para a produção de distinções, conexões e (des)continuidades entre a violência criminal e a violência política nesses países latino americanos permitirá avaliar criticamente as condições de possibilidade para a reprodução de padrões violentos e as perspectivas para a sua transformação , além dos elementos e limites de um imaginário político no qual essas democracias pacíficas violentas emergem como um quebra cabeça em primeiro lugar. / [en] This thesis sews together stories from Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico, in which the line between criminal violence on the one h and, and political violence on the other has been drawn over the 2000s. It focuses on two dimensions : firstly, the line drawing practices of governments who justify increasing military roles in public security , as well as of military officials themselves as they implement these operations; and secondly, the practices of governments and civil society organizations establishing truth seeking mechanisms to clarify patterns and cases of violence in the past and in the present. T w o sets of metaphors are mobilized as analytical devices to make sense of these processes in connection with different meanings of the verb to draw : on the one hand, the act of inscribing a trace over a surface; on the other hand, the act of pulling a thre ad over three dimensional space. I argue that the drawing of that line has been central to the treatment of organized violence by governments and civil society organizations in th ree countries which have seen both an increase in military deployment agains t criminal actors and the establishment of transitional justice mechanisms devoted to victims right to truth , frustrating expectations associated with the standards of peace and democracy two trends which have, however, taken place against markedly different historical contexts of democratization and peacebuilding, as discussed in the thesis . The stories gathered here will be informed by an analysis of sources as varied as government doc uments, truth commissions reports interviews with experts and activists of all three countries , and scholarly literature A ttending to how distinctions, connections and ( continuities are drawn between criminal violence and political violence in these Latin American countries allow s us to critically assess conditions of possibility for the reproduction of violent patterns and the prospects for their positive transformatio n , as well as the elements and limits of a political imagination for which these violent peaceful democracies have emerged as a puzzle in the first place.