Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / This thesis examines civil-military relations during the critical moments of the Czechoslovak history, particularly during the deep political and societal crises in 1938, 1948, 1968, and 1989. Such a method offers an opportunity to analyze civilian control of the military under a situation when the civil-military relations are in deep crisis. By concluding that even under such conditions there were stable civil-military relations in former Czechoslovakia, this thesis affirms the theory of military professionalism as a crucial factor in civil-military relations, as presented by Samuel P. Huntington. Thus, the study of civil-military relations in crises of the Czechoslovak history provides an exceptional opportunity to test the Huntington's model of the equilibrium of objective civilian control in the circumstances of profound societal disturbances. In accordance with the Huntington's theory of stable civil-military relations, this thesis attests that a strong military professionalism, typified by the bonds of traditions, obedience, and patriotic loyalty, plays crucial role in determining stability of civil-military relations, i.e. an objective civilian control of the military. Subsequently, by following this reasoning this thesis also justifies assumption of permanently stable civil-military relations in Czechia, because it intentionally concentrates only on the continuum of the Czechoslovak and the Czech civil-military relations. / Lieutenant Colonel, Czech Air Force

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Since 1989 the study of democratic civil military relations has undergone a revival of the formation of new theory. These concepts deal with civilian control of armed forces at a national level. Since after the end of the Cold War, the European employment of military forces within a multinational framework became a regularity, it is now pertinent to ask whether and how these concepts fit at the international level. The construction of Europe and the rise of new security challenges raises the issue of democratic civil military relations in the European Union. The present thesis analyses classical and new theories of civil military relations and applies these to the current issue of security policy and the formation of strategy for a supra-national European Union. / Lieutenant Colonel, Austrian Army

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Denver, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003. / Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Hans Eberhard Peters. Includes bibliographical references (p. 121-126). Also available online.

This study is a serious effort to make a significant contribution to the underexamined field of Indian civil-military relations. The objective of the study is to set up a framework that helps explain changes in the division of labor between civilians and the military in India from 1947 to the present day. There are three basic themes in this dissertation that I seek to develop and explain in various chapters. The first theme examines key issues which directly address the divide between civilian and military functions. In discussing the division of labor between civilians and the military and changes affecting India’s structure of civil-military relations, I borrow Samuel Huntington’s general framework outlined in The Soldier and the State. Huntington’s framework provides the starting point for my argument by informing the reader about issues that emerge in the contestation of civilian space by the military. The second theme highlights the very different nature or experience of civil-military relations in India when compared to the United States. The third and final theme of this study seeks to illustrate differences in the nature of the Indian and American political systems. A major conclusion reached in this study is that the advent of nuclear technology in India has reduced the space between civilian and military functions, giving the military a greater role in shaping policy. / text

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hong Kong, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 61-63).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hong Kong, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 61-63). Also available in print.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Johns Hopkins University, 1993. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

The role of Japan in any U.S. strategic policy will be decided from the outcome of two debates. These two debates, the Japanese security policy debate and the American strategic policy debate, have been conducted within the leading groups of each country. The debates, both independently and at their points of interaction, illustrate the dynamic nature of the problem of forecasting the kind of security role Japan will perform in any future American strategic policy for the Northeast Asian region. Against a background of a Soviet regional military build-up and increasingly strident American calls for Japan to improve its defence capabilities, the Japanese debate signals a growing consensus for an enhanced security role. However, this trend must be severely qualified by the enduring impact of certain constitutional, political and economic constraints upon security policy-making. The importance that certain leading Japanese groups give to the domestic determinants of policy seems to have been discounted by many leading Americans. Any enhancement of Japan's security role must be accommodated by the Japanese domestic political environment; an environment which retains strong pacifist sentiments. The recent movement towards a military alliance between the two countries needs to be balanced against the continuing relevance that a good proportion of leading Japanese and the Japanese public hold for a minimum defence posture supported by the American security commitment, as embodied in the U.S.-Japan treaty. The American strategic policy debate is concerned with two main policy arguments. The unilateralist/maritime supremacy argument sees the world in essentially bipolar terms and seeks to augment American power so as to be able to overcome a potential enemy, solely through the use of U.S. power. The coalition/defence argument views the world in multipolar terms and believes that deterrence against an enemy should suffice and that this can best be achieved through the utilization and management of allied as well as American forces. The examination of the policy arguments within each of the debates reveals that each is in an insufficiently developed stage to greatly assist our predictions as to Japan's future security role in any American strategic policy. Arguments that Japan is willing to accept specific regional security are easily countered by equally valid ones which foresee no direct security role within any American strategic policy of the near future. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

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