O presente trabalho, realizado no Programa de Doutorado em Letras da Universidade de Caxias do Sul (UCS) e do Centro Universitário Ritter dos Reis (UniRitter), pesquisa situada no ramo da Onomástica, tem como objetivo geral mapear os nomes das crianças batizadas na Paróquia Santa Teresa, de Caxias do Sul-RS, bem como relacioná-los ao contexto histórico, sociocultural e religioso da comunidade. O método utilizado no desenvolvimento do presente trabalho foi o indutivo. Partimos dos dados registrados, fizemos a sua análise e os explicamos, para, depois, estabelecermos generalizações. A pesquisa é documental e bibliográfica, e leva em conta o modelo qualitativo de análise, conjugando-o com o quantitativo pela utilização de dados, de suas ocorrências e dos respectivos percentuais. O corpus é compreendido por 57.168 nomes de pessoas com batismo registrado entre 1875 e 2005, sendo que o total dos nomes mais recorrentes (masculinos e femininos, agrupados) corresponde a 47,5% da amostra. Eles são divididos em gêneros e em quatro períodos pré-estabelecidos (1875-1906, 1908-1939, 1941-1972, 1974-2005). O recorte efetuado para realização deste estudo compreende a área de abrangência da Paróquia de Santa Teresa de Caxias do Sul-RS. Foi escolhida a comunidade dessa paróquia por ter sido essa igreja a primeira criada, em 20 de maio de 1884, na então Colônia Caxias, nove anos depois da chegada dos imigrantes italianos. Pelo caráter interdisciplinar, o estudo onomástico estabelece outras relações acerca do nome, evidenciando aspectos linguísticos e culturais que dizem respeito tanto a um indivíduo, quanto à comunidade em que ele vive. / The present work, conducted in the Doctoral Program in Literature at the University of Caxias do Sul (UCS) and the University Center Ritter dos Reis (UniRitter), research located in the branch of Onomastics, has as the main objective to map the names of the children baptized in Saint Teresa Parish, in Caxias do Sul-RS, as well as to relate them to the historical, sociocultural and religious context of the community. The method used in the development of the present study was the inductive. We started from the recorded data, proceeded to their analysis and explained them, to then establish generalizations. The research is documental and bibliographic, and takes into account the qualitative analysis model, combining it with the quantitative for the use of data, their occurrences and their percentages. The cut made for this study comprises the coverage area of St. Teresa Parish, in Caxias do Sul-RS. It was chosen this parish community for being it the first church established, in May 20, 1884, in the then Caxias Colony, nine years after the arrival of the Italian immigrants. By its interdisciplinary character, the Onomastic study establishes other relations concerning the name, showing linguistic and cultural aspects that relate both to an individual, as to the community in which he lives.

Recently, some men have taken their wives' last names upon marriage rather than following tradition. The goal of this study was to examine the attitudes that men and women have toward these nontraditional men. Ideological hegemony and social identity theory comprised the framework for examining participants' beliefs. A survey first elicited participants' extant sexist beliefs about men and the characteristics of a nontraditional man compared to a traditional man. An open-ended question further explored participants' opinions. The results indicated that benevolent sexism influences respondents' attitudes towards nontraditional men and that most respondents view nontraditional men as more nurturing and committed to their marriage than traditional men. The results further revealed a dichotomy of positive and negative attitudes towards nontraditional men indicating that society's feelings about nontraditional men are changing.

This research analyses the influence of the power of a name, particularly on Zulu speaking people in South Africa. It further analyses the effect of names in other Nguni speaking communities in this country. On a wider scale it also looks at the power and the influence of names given to people of other countries on the African continent. The research primarily investigates the effects of the power of a name on the life of a black person. A name could actually lure a person to enact its meaning. For instance, the name uBagangile could influence the bearer of the name to be generally naughty or if not so, relatives around her might act naughty in different ways. It is pointed out that the act of name-giving with concomitant power vested in a name originates from God. The bearer was expected to act out the meaning of his/her name. God's power hidden in the name would constrain an individual to behave in a certain way within his/her community. The research points out that a name is not only a label that helps in the identification of an individual or an entity. A name is something that is multi-functional. First it becomes a label, a descriptive tool that may refer to a person's body structure. It is possible that a name may divulge a situation in which the person was born. Most importantly, it has the power to make the bearer become what the name means. Usually names carry one of the above accounts. If the name was chosen by an insightful name giver it may carry more than one of the above qualities. During the years of oppression before the advent of democracy in South Africa in 1994, community members made extensive use of names from the languages of the white oppressors. White names had an impact on the lives of bearers, because of the meanings and contexts associated with them. / African Languages / D.Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

This research analyses the influence of the power of a name, particularly on Zulu speaking people in South Africa. It further analyses the effect of names in other Nguni speaking communities in this country. On a wider scale it also looks at the power and the influence of names given to people of other countries on the African continent. The research primarily investigates the effects of the power of a name on the life of a black person. A name could actually lure a person to enact its meaning. For instance, the name uBagangile could influence the bearer of the name to be generally naughty or if not so, relatives around her might act naughty in different ways. It is pointed out that the act of name-giving with concomitant power vested in a name originates from God. The bearer was expected to act out the meaning of his/her name. God's power hidden in the name would constrain an individual to behave in a certain way within his/her community. The research points out that a name is not only a label that helps in the identification of an individual or an entity. A name is something that is multi-functional. First it becomes a label, a descriptive tool that may refer to a person's body structure. It is possible that a name may divulge a situation in which the person was born. Most importantly, it has the power to make the bearer become what the name means. Usually names carry one of the above accounts. If the name was chosen by an insightful name giver it may carry more than one of the above qualities. During the years of oppression before the advent of democracy in South Africa in 1994, community members made extensive use of names from the languages of the white oppressors. White names had an impact on the lives of bearers, because of the meanings and contexts associated with them. / African Languages / D.Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

MA (Xitsonga) / Ehansi kaSenthara ya M. E. R. Mathivha ya Tindzimi ta Afrika, Vutshila na Ndhavuko / Xikongomelokulu xa ndzavisiso lowu i ku kambisisa mathyelo ya mavito ya swikolo leswi kumekaka emigangeni ya hosi Muhlava, eka Masipala wa Tzaneen, eka xifundzatsongo xa Mopani, exifundzenikulu xa Limpopo. Xikongomelokulu lexi xi aviwa hi swiphemu swimbirhi leswikulu. Xosungula ku nga ku xopaxopa xivumbeko na nhlamuselo ya mavito ya swikolo swa ka Muhlava leswi thyiweke mavito ya vanhu, hi ku kongomisa eka mavito ya mani na mani na mavito ya vachaviseki. Xavumbirhi i ku lavisisa xivumbeko na nhlamuselo ya mavito ya swikolo swa ka Muhlava leswi thyiweke mavito ya swilo leswi nga riki vanhu swo tanihi milambu, tintshava, magova, tindhawu ni swin’wana ni swin’wana. Ndzavisiso lowu wu tirhisa thiyori yo hlamusela (Descriptivist Theory) leyi tumbuluxeke hi Kripke (1980). Hi ku landza Thiyori leyi vito rin’wana na rin’wana leri nga kona laha emisaveni ri na nhlamuselo yo karhi naswona ri na swivangelo leswi nga endla leswaku ri thyiwa. Ndzavisiso lowu wu endliwa hi ku landzelela xivumbeko xa nkoka. Mahungu lama nga xopaxopiwa eka ndzavisiso lowu ma hlengeletiwile hi ku tirhisa maendlo ya phurayimari, ku nga maendlelo lama kongomisaka eka ku kuma mahungu eka swihlovo swo sungula. Xitirho lexi tirhisiweke ehansi ka endlelo leri hi lexi vuriwaka inthavhiyu kumbe nhlokohliso wa swivutiso lexi endliwaka hi ndlela yo vulavurisana exikarhi ka vanhu vambirhi kumbe exikarhi ka munhu un’we na vanhu vo tala laha ku vutisiwaka swivutiso na ku nyika tinhlamulo hi ku vulavula. Swihlovo swa mina swa ndzavisiso i vavasati na vavanuna va ku huma eka miganga yo hambana ya le ka Hosi Muhlava, eka Masipala wa Tzaneen, ku nga eka Muhlava, eMariveni, eKhujwana na le Petanenge. Ku hlawuriwile vanhu lava nga vutisiwa swivutiso ku suka eka mitlawa ya vanhu leyi landzelaka: vaaki va miganga va nhungu, vaxinuna va mune na vavasati va mune, vadyondzisi va nhungu; vaxinuna va mune na vaxisati va mune, vafundhisi va nhungu; vaxinuna va mune na vaxisati va mune, na tindhuna ta nhungu. Mahungu man’wana lama nga tirhisiwa eka ndzavisiso lowu ma kumeka kusuka eka switsariwa swo tanihi tibuku, tijenali, maphephahungu na swin’wana. Eka ndzavisiso lowu ku tirhisiwile tindlela timbirhi ta ku xopaxopa mahungu, ku nga nxopaxopo wa vundzeni bya tsalwa na nxopaxopo wa nkoka hi ku landza vi mikongomelo. Endlelo ro sungula ri tirhisiwa ku longoloxa timhaka ta ndzavisiso lowu hi ku landza mikongomelo yo karhi. Endlelo ra vumbirhi ri vuriwa nxopaxopo wa vundzeni. Eka ndzavisiso lowu, endlelo leri ri tirhisiwile hi ndlela yo va ku xopaxopiwa mathyelo ya vito rin’wana na rin’wana ra lama nga hlengeletiwa hi xikongomelo xo kuma tinhlamuselo ta wona na ndlela leyi ma vumbiweke ha yona. Mbuyelo wa ndzavisiso lowu wu kumile leswaku mavito ya swikolo swa ka hosi Muhlava ma thyiwile hi xikongomelo xa ku xixima vachaviseki na ku tsundzuka mitirho leyinene leyi nga endliwa hi vanhu vo hambanahambana hi xikongomelo xa leswaku rixaka leri ra ha taka ri ta kuma matimu lama. / NRF

Nicknames have been analysed, recorded and processed in many diverse ways by different languages, scholars and communities. In Zulu, many works of similar type have all been the size of an article up until 1999. This research on the subject is one of the first done in this depth. Nicknames form part of a Zulu person's daily life. They identify him/her more than the real or legal name. They shape him/her more than any other mode of address. They influence behaviour, personality, interaction based activities and the general welfare of an individual. They discipline, they praise, they mock too. Surprisingly, they are regarded as play items. They are even termed playnames (izidlaliso). But they are as serious as any item that makes an individual to be a significant figure in the community. They are unique in the sense that they stick more obstinately on the victim should he/she try to get rid of them. They are capable of staying for life. They only vanish to give others a chance to feature on the same individual. They are so poetic. A talented onomastician can tell a full story about an individual without him grabbing what is being said about him just because the story is spiced with just a single figurative nickname. They haunt the whole arena of the parts of speech in a language, especially the Zulu language. They modify the well known meaning of words into special references that paint in bright colours the character of an individual. Zulu nicknames processes visit all possible languages and adapt items from into Zuluised special terms that a capable of inheriting an onomastic status. They originate even from the most sensitive sources like people's private lives. The only challenging area about nicknames is that bearers do not want to expose them to peale who are not known to them, even if they do not fall into a category of nicknames for ridicule. Finally, nicknames have been exposed here as linguistic items that organise the community into makers and bearers, and then users of nicknames. / African Languages / D.Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

"Based on the thesis submitted by the author for the degree 'Doctor of Philosophy' to the Senate of Hebrew University, Jerusalem, in 1976"--P. viii. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 265-275) and indexes.

Nicknames have been analysed, recorded and processed in many diverse ways by different languages, scholars and communities. In Zulu, many works of similar type have all been the size of an article up until 1999. This research on the subject is one of the first done in this depth. Nicknames form part of a Zulu person's daily life. They identify him/her more than the real or legal name. They shape him/her more than any other mode of address. They influence behaviour, personality, interaction based activities and the general welfare of an individual. They discipline, they praise, they mock too. Surprisingly, they are regarded as play items. They are even termed playnames (izidlaliso). But they are as serious as any item that makes an individual to be a significant figure in the community. They are unique in the sense that they stick more obstinately on the victim should he/she try to get rid of them. They are capable of staying for life. They only vanish to give others a chance to feature on the same individual. They are so poetic. A talented onomastician can tell a full story about an individual without him grabbing what is being said about him just because the story is spiced with just a single figurative nickname. They haunt the whole arena of the parts of speech in a language, especially the Zulu language. They modify the well known meaning of words into special references that paint in bright colours the character of an individual. Zulu nicknames processes visit all possible languages and adapt items from into Zuluised special terms that a capable of inheriting an onomastic status. They originate even from the most sensitive sources like people's private lives. The only challenging area about nicknames is that bearers do not want to expose them to peale who are not known to them, even if they do not fall into a category of nicknames for ridicule. Finally, nicknames have been exposed here as linguistic items that organise the community into makers and bearers, and then users of nicknames. / African Languages / D.Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Text in English with summaries in English, Shona and isiXhosa / Bibliography: leaves 140-144 / Personal names carry significant meaning in African cultures. The research critically argues that among the Shona speaking people of Zimbabwe, given names are not just mere tags or labels but carry and convey a significant message to the family or society of the named person. The message is often descriptive of the person named or their family. It describes the circumstances around the birth of the named or the conditions of their parents or their country and or their environment. The research further shows that names derived from socio-cultural experiences may have a plurality of meanings and also that they may be used to predict or explain something about the person named, including their parents or environment. Philosophically then, to name is to confirm, or to negate, and to confer something to the person named or to describe the circumstances of their birth. / Mazita edungamunhu ane chirevo mutsika nemagariro evanhu vemuAfrica. Donzvo retsvakurudzo ino rinotaura nezvevanhu verudzi rweChiShona munyika yeZimbabwe, richiti mazita anopihwa vana haangova mazita chete, asi anetsanangudzo yakakosha zvikuru kumhuri kana kuti munzvimbo yaberekerwa munhu wacho, kana kuti kumuridzi wezita racho. Tsananguro yacho inotaura nezvemuridzi wezita kana kuti kumhuri yaaberekerwa. Tsananguro yacho inotsanangudza mamiriro enguva yaberekwa munhu wacho kana kuti tsika nemagariro evabereki vake kana mamiriro emunyika yaaberekwa kana kuti munzvimbo yaaberekerwa. Tsvakurudzo ino inoenderera mberi ichitaura kuti mazita evanhu anobva mutsika memagariro evanhu anoreva zvinhu zvakawanda nekuti dzimwe nguva anoshandiswa kutaura zvichauya kana kutsanangura nezvemuridzi wezita kana vabereki vake, dzimwe dzenguva nzvimbo yavanogara. Saka fungidziro inoti, kupa zita kubvumirana kana kupikisana, kana kuti kugadza chigaro pamunhu kana kuti katsanangudza mamiriro akaita nguva yaaberekwa. / gama lomntu linentsingiselo enzulu kwiinkcubeko zama-Afrika. Uphando lubonisa ngokucacileyo ukuba phakathi kwabantu baseZimbabwe abantetho isisiShona, igama alinikwayo umntu asinto nje yokuphawula, koko ngumyalezo obalulekileyo omalunga nosapho okanye uluntu lwalowo uthiywa igama. Lo myalezo ula ngokuchaza ngalowo uthiywayo okanye usapho lwakhe. Kuchazwa iimeko ezingqonge ukuzalwa kwakhe okanye imeko yabazali bakhe, isizwe sakhe okanye indalo ebangqongileyo. Uphando lubonakalisa ukuba amagama asekelwe kumava enkcubeko nezentlalo anganeentsingiselo eziliqela. Ngaphaya koko, la magma asenokusetyeniziselwa ukuqikelela okanye ukucacisa okuthile malunga nalo uthiywayo, abazali bakhe okanye indalo ebangqongileyo. Ngokwefilosofi ke ngoko, ukuthiya igama kukungqina okanye kukuphikisa, kukubethelela inyaniso ethile ngomntu othiywa igama, ikwakukuchaza iimeko zokuzalwa kwakhe. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / M. Phil. (Philosophy)