The Indian navy has undergone several periods of expansion in its short history which have signaled significant change in the Indian Ocean region. It is currently undergoing another. This thesis examines the current expansion, and interprets it in light of the Indian navyâ s maritime strategy. It focuses on three elements critical to all strategy, but which are especially relevant in this case: national interests, perceived threats and naval capabilities. A change in any of the three elements usually signals and requires analogous change at the strategic level. This thesis reveals that there has been an increase in all three elements, which forecasts an immense increase in Indiaâ s strategic ambitions at sea, and further naval expansion.

On Europe's periphery lie a number of unresolved conflict and unrecognized states most of which emerged during the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Due to their remote and strategically insignificant nature, they were largely ignored by the West as it peacefully integrated Central and Eastern Europe into the community of liberal democracies. Russia utilized the lack of international concern to prolong the conflicts in Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Transnistria and Nagorno-Karabakh and destabilize the smaller states emerging from the Soviet Union. The conflicts exploit a fundamental ambiguity in international law between sovereignty and self-determination. This study shows that NATO and the EU have the ability to resolve frozen conflicts through their influence on the third parties that are preserving them. Unlike earlier solutions made only by one or two great powers, NATO and the EU represent the majority of established democracies in the world. As they share common values, they can reach consensus on policy actions unlike the UN or OSCE. As large organizations of democratic states, they possess credibility that no other institution or great power combination has ever had before. They also have the military capability to support policy choices. Furthermore, Russia and Turkey have a record of submitting to well-coordinated Western policy and exploiting differences in it if such coordination in lacking.

Approved for public release, distribution unlimited / This thesis investigates why Iraq's Sunnis resorted to violent collective action, rather than non-violent political action, following Saddam's overthrow. Using social movement theory, I argue that decreasing political opportunity, existing mobilizing structures with violent repertoires, and effective framing of the opposition as kufr (non-Muslim) explain the emergence of Iraq's Sunni insurgency. I posit that Sunnis felt a profound grievance in the decreased political opportunity following the overthrow of Saddam Hussein. Furthermore, mobilization nearly always utilizes existing networks and adapts the characteristics of the physical spaces and organizational structures from which the movement emerges. I argue that the disbanded military and militant Islamist networks comprised the bulk of the first insurgent groups, and that these groups used their existing repertoires to shape Iraq's political environment. I then trace the frames used throughout the conflict, illustrating that the common theme is opposition to rule by kufr - whether it be Coalition nations or Iraqi Shi'a - and this provides a concrete target for the insurgency. Examined collectively, these three factors provide a sufficient explanation for the Sunni insurgents' turn to violence to address their political grievances. This argument stands in constrast to the clash of civilization and "Cosmic War" arguments, which offer insufficient explanations.

The U.S.-ROK alliance has been a vital element for South Koreaâ s security since the end of the Korean War. By successfully serving its primary role in deterring a North Korean reinvasion of the South, the U.S. Forces in Korea (USFK) was the core within the alliance. Since the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States, it began to transform the structure of U.S. forces overseas under the Military Transformation plan. In this context, the USFK is undergoing an unprecedented transformation process. With the United States and South Koreaâ s recent agreement on the strategic flexibility of USFK, it became obvious that the primary role of the USFK will be changed from North Korean deterrence to a regional contingency force. This thesis assesses the implications of the U.S. strategic flexibility policy for South Korean security. It discusses how the U.S. strategic flexibility will influence the security circumstances surrounding the Korean peninsula and how it could change the U.S.- ROK alliance. The U.S.-Japan alliance transformation and the realignment of USFJ is assessed as a case study. Finally, based on the four criteria which are determined as the essential elements in South Korean security, South Koreaâ s policy options toward the U.S. strategic flexibility policy are assessed.

This thesis will investigate the feasibility of developing nationsâ ability to create a wholly indigenous advanced arms industry in the 21st century using China and India as case studies. I propose it is not possible for developing nations in the current context of the globalized arms race to build an advanced arms industry because of the high political and economic costs. Diverse competing interests force politicians to make decisions about distribution and usage of resources that will maintain their legitimacy. The hypothesis does not rule out that some domestic advancements may be made in certain sectors, such as nuclear bombs and missiles, because resources may be spent on narrowly defined goals instead of the development of the whole industry. Nor does it rule out that a developing nation cannot have a modern military with advanced weaponry, just that the weapons will not all be wholly domestic. They will obtain advanced weapons through joint development, purchasing, or licensing. Political and economic cost will explain the failure of a wholly indigenous advanced arms industry to fully develop, as well as illustrate the few successes within certain sectors of the industry.

Since the turn of this century, stability in European continent, to a large degree, depends on political-military cooperation among European countries as well as the establishment of common goals in order to eliminate current threats and risks such as terrorism. As far as Poland is concerned, its priority is to be an active leader in improving common security policy within the boundaries of the European Union (EU) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Polish security policy and strategy is shaped by its geographical location which places Poland in NATO's main strategic area opposite the Russian Federation and Belarus. In other words, Poland sees itself as the eastern "edge" of NATO's area and as a "front-line" country. This motivates Poland to support NATO's further enlargement to the East because Warsaw understands that it is a primary key to stability in Europe and has a responsibility to support NATO activities in this region. Thus, this thesis analyze the character of Polish Defense Policy after integration into NATO and EU and the impact this policy has national interests. It will specifically focus on ongoing efforts to adjust defense policy and strategy to meet contemporary demands through political-military cooperation and dialogue with allies. / Polish Army author.

"Independent since 1991, Ukraine continues to struggle to improve its political stability and economic strength. Because of Ukraine's geographic proximity to and intertwined history with Russia, Ukrainian leaders measure their actions against the interests of Russia. Ukrainian policies, especially those that would expose Ukraine to Western influences and those independent of Russia's approval, could cause distrust in Moscow. Because Ukraine is likely to make political decisions that may cross Russian interests, the thesis will answer the questions: should Ukraine adopt a competitive or cooperative policy with Russia, or some combination of both, in order to fulfill its national security goals? The thesis formulates an analytical framework that assesses the feasibility and rationality of possible Ukrainian decisions on two volatile issues: the energy supply imbalance and border demarcation. It incorporates the domestic influences in Ukraine and Russia, as well as dominant international factors, in its analysis, seeking to identify the internal biases of the decision makers and how those biases affect the strength and security of an independent Ukraine. This thesis concludes by recommending steps that Ukraine and the United States could take to ensure Ukrainian sovereignty in the future."--p. i. / US Army (USA) author.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / Military change has been a persistent characteristic of Japan's re-emergence from World War II. However, most studies focus on Tokyo's 'evolutionary-like' and 'incremental' efforts, rooting them in a host of structural impediments to change. Nonetheless, Japan continues to strengthen its reliance on the U.S. 'sword' while building a broader more effective 'shield.' Through three case studies (U.S alignment in the 1950s/1960s, the 1981 expansion to a 1,000nm defense perimeter, and post- Cold War BMD cooperation with the United States) this thesis shows that despite pervasive pacifism, deeply riven domestic politics, and apparent inflexibility on military security policy, Japan has nonetheless been capable of initiating significant military change. While international systemic factors and U.S. pressure have played a role, Japan's security policies have formed under the political, institutional, legal, and societal norms infused in the postwar environment. This has required political elites to subordinate national security interests to the influence of Japan's evolving domestic political environment. Ultimately, these barriers have diminished as Japan's domestic political environment has consolidated resulting in an ability to quicker react to external events. This thesis suggests that U.S. policy toward Japan, while important, overlooks the core issue of Japan's domestic politics in shaping its security policy. / Outstanding Thesis

The end of the Cold War created new challenges and opportunities for European Security. The power vacuum that was left by the disappearance of the Warsaw Pact needed to be addressed quickly and pragmatically to ensure the democratization of the former Eastern Block nations. Also, recent developments in World Security such as increased Terrorism and Military Operations Other Than War have forced NATO and other Transatlantic Security Institutions to adapt to a new way of thinking, operating and cooperating. This thesis identifies some of the most recent political and security procedures of NATO, other various Transatlantic Security Institutions and the National Guard State Partnership Program to aide these nascent democracies. This thesis focuses on Hungary.s successful experience of obtaining NATO membership via the Partnership for Peace Programme and State Partnership Program as a case-study. / Approved for public release; distribution unlimited / Major, Ohio Air National Guard / Major, Hungarian Army

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / The thesis examines the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine (NSDC) and its role in the political decision-making process. Within the context of the post-Soviet period, this research analyzes the development of the NSDC's influence on political process in Ukraine since 1994. In addition, the thesis evaluates the place of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine and, in particular, of its Secretary in Ukrainian government. The present research analyzes and compares the experience of leading East-European and former Soviet Union countries as well as that of the United States of America in resolving the issues of national security policy. This study also makes suggestions about how to apply those experiences to the Ukrainian situation. The purpose of this thesis is to define the potential of the National Security and Defense Council as an actor of the Ukrainian political arena, and to find the strengths and weaknesses of the NSDC. The offered conclusions refer to the factors that undermine the NSDC's practical power in the political realm, conditions under which one might expect changes to the Council's contemporary role in the Ukrainian government, and the experiences of national security institutions of other countries and their application to the NSDC. / Civilian, Ukrainian Government Employee