This dissertation explores a number of issues facing international nonprofit organizations and individuals working in agricultural interventions supporting rural development with the goal of creating an ethical foundation of communication values and practices. A theoretical framework is formulated, with the principles of environmental communication as a foundation. Special emphasis is placed upon knowledge management strategies utilized when working with indigenous populations. From these theoretical foundations, the emergent 7Cs ethical model of communication is constructed via the concepts of: Collaboration, Culture, Community, Conservation, Capacity, Care, and Consistency. A critical-rhetorical ethnographic case study of the Binational Agriculture Relief Initiative?s discourse is offered to explore the functionality and applicability of the 7Cs model. Using the 7Cs model as a guide, this analysis examines issues associated with nonprofit advocacy and developing communication strategies for international organizations serving agricultural development. Conclusions for the 7Cs ethical model of communication offer perspective on the model as a discursive response to neoliberal policies and international development ethics.

The process of globalization over the past five decades has given impetus to drivensustainability and related thinking in business. It is also observed that there areunprecedented trends in corporate strategy towards sustainable thinking - the emergenceof sustainability as corporate strategy and the concern of business for ecology and society.This forces companies to rethink their standard business models and increase theirinterest in innovating products and services based on the challenges of global sustainabledevelopment. The pressure from external stakeholders, mainly non-governmentalorganizations (NGOs), as drivers of change may also contribute strongly to thisendeavour. This substantial change pressure clearly reflects companies’ recognition of themounting pressures for social responsibility and governance. The overall aim of this thesisis to describe and understand how social responsibility and value-creation of customers’influence the overall service quality of companies in developing a sustainable servicebusiness. The theoretical and conceptual frame of reference finds its stimulation from the researchin sustainable development – corporate social responsibility, service research and qualitymanagement. In this way it attempts to bridge the gap between business and socialresponsibility. Theoretically and conceptually, the thesis amalgamates sustainabilitythinking and the service logic. Here, value creation and co-creation of Service DominantLogic (S-D logic) approach expands to integrate the values based approach of CorporateSocial Responsibility (CSR) in management thinking and have created the prevailingbusiness practices and service quality (SQ) improvement. This thesis is a compilation offive different papers that follow an interpretative case study approach. The empiricalstudy developed from the cases of multinational companies, small and mediumenterprises, smallholders and NGOs. In this thesis, ‘Sustainable Service Dominant Logic’ (SSDL) was labelled to argue thatvalue-based co-creation of the S-D logic framework can be used to create values-basedservices for sustainable business by examining the link between CSR and S-D logic basedon value, values and service quality for sustainable business. This is this thesis’scontribution to the ongoing discussion of the paradigm shift in service research. Theframework is of the integration of CSR thinking into service business to create sustainablebusiness thinking. This signifies the new thinking of incorporating different managementsystems in creating the organizational change process, sustainability and finally SQimprovement. This counters the critique against S-D logic by expanding the societal andethical dimensions by using CSR, and showing real business cases. This depends on theintegration of different change pressures for value creation, whether related to economicand social resource integration. This involves the shift of the focus of managerial controlfrom a preoccupation with financial issues to a wider awareness of CSR thinking. Theseissues are also explored by demonstrating, based on cases, how the adoption of thisperspective can also enable the Base of the Pyramid (BoP) framework to become animportant aspect of value creation. Finally, the paradigm shift can be generalized to newthinking in S-D logic and the social responsibility of businesses as the major phenomenonof the changing and globalizing business environment; time for the CSR framework to permeate S-D logic.

Thematic Paper (M.Sc. (Environmental Management))--Mahidol University, 2005.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:39:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 6448.pdf: 1927342 bytes, checksum: 7f7410ae3f2c1dbf0b72293ba9e6ad3d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-06 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / Rio de Janeiro city has undergone significant changes over the past two decades, principally respect to devices that regulates the way of life from populations from favelas' neighborhood. They explain that the conflict in the relation favela and asphalt has been increasingly understood by the violence key. I noteworthy which these changes have been with marked with the preparation of the city for the mega events Soccer World Cup and Olympic Games. In view of this scenery, the aim of this work was to think, starting from a ethnographic research performed in Cidade de Deus Rio de Janeiro (one of the first slum to receive the project Unidade de Polícia Pacificadora UPP [Pacifying Police Unit]), how social and politic conflicts are daily experienced by favela dwellers under pacification context. I argued that, if in the ambit of production of discourses, the spheres of politics, religion, State and crime can be antagonistic and in conflict. At the level of social relations more capillaries, the borders between these spheres are blurred. It is intended to, but they are not exclusionary among them, coexisting within assessed sceneries. / A cidade do Rio Janeiro passou por significativas mudanças nas duas últimas décadas, sobretudo no que se refere aos dispositivos que regulam os modos de vida de populações moradoras de favelas, os quais explicitam que o conflito na relação morro e asfalto tem sido cada vez mais entendido sob o sogno da violência. Vale destacar que essas mudanças têm sido acentuadas com a preparação da cidade para os mega-eventos Copa do Mundo de Futebol e Jogos Olímpicos. Tendo em vista este cenário, o objetivo deste trabalho foi refletir, a partir de uma pesquisa etnográfica realizada na Cidade de Deus - Rio de Janeiro (uma das primeiras favelas a receber o projeto Unidade de Polícia Pacificadora - UPP), como conflitos sociais e políticos são vivenciados no cotidiano de moradores de uma favela em contexto de pacificação. Argumenta-se que, se no âmbito da produção dos discursos, as esferas da política, religião, Estado e crime podem ser antagônicos e estar em conflito, no nível das relações sociais mais capilares as fronteiras entre estas esferas são borradas. Tensionam-se, mas não são excludentes entre si, coexistindo nos cenários pesquisados.

This thesis contributes to debates on the role of civil society organizations (CSOs) in global governance by asking if their participation in the global response to HIV/AIDS has been transformative – with transformation conceptualized as change towards a more equitable order. Adopting a critical International Relations approach, and applying qualitative methods, it analyzes how CSOs used the initial failure of biomedical responses to the epidemic to advance a human rights frame, which justified their participation in global governance. This frame complemented conceptions of AIDS exceptionalism, and has recently shifted in response to an increased focus on key populations. CSOs continue to advance the rights frame in global institutions – the focus here being on how they have done so within UNAIDS and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Malaria and Tuberculosis. However, rigid bureaucracies and dominant power relationships limit CSOs’ ability to transform these institutions to be more responsive to and representative of those affected by the epidemic. CSOs have further struggled to influence the largest global donors of the HIV/AIDS response – the Global Fund and PEPFAR – to direct greater resources to rights-based initiatives, despite CSO participation in resource mobilization. Though CSO participation has been restricted by donor state power, bureaucratic structures, and changes in the political economy of global health, CSOs have continued to promote potentially transformative alternatives, and so have continued to represent the interests of those most affected by the epidemic. This allows potential for further transformative alternatives.

Since the mid 1970s there has been an increasing effort to adopt community participation as a necessary instrument for people driven development. NGOs and governments have come to use this participatory approach not only to empower local people, but also to give them a platform to plan and implement their own development projects. However in Zimbabwe, the government has failed to fund most projects and it has created a gap for NGOs to provide most, if not all services in rural communities. NGOs have been seen as better institutions to facilitate development projects and to engage local people to actively participate in development issues. Community participation is a central component in development projects as the projects respond to the people’s needs and that local people are in full control and ownership of these projects. This study is an assessment of community participation in NGO development projects in Zimbabwe. The study investigates the extent of community participation in development projects and it is guided by the Participatory Development (PD) theory. Research findings reveal that community participation is minimal in development projects of Bulilima and Mangwe districts in Zimbabwe. Local people are just passive participants of the development projects who are told what to do. The local people’s contributions and influences are sidelined in the planning and decision-making processes; instead these are made by the rural elite who plan and make decisions on behalf of the local people. It is the view of this study that the purpose of community participation is to create opportunities for local people to participate in planning, decision making, implementation, allocation and distribution of resources. The development projects should be responsive to the people’s needs. Similarly, participatory development just like community participation is a process whereby communities are given the opportunity to determine their future in terms of their needs and resources. In this regard, it is relevant that rural communities actively participate in planning, decision making, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of development projects. By so doing, the projects become not only successful but also sustainable.

Brasil e Estados Unidos têm apresentado posições políticas divergentes em relação à propriedade intelectual desde a década de 1970. O contencioso das patentes farmacêuticas na OMC foi iniciado em 2000 com um pedido de consulta dos Estados Unidos em relação à lei de patentes brasileira e está inserido nesse contexto de divergência entre os dois países. O contencioso foi solucionado por meio de um acordo no qual os Estados Unidos retiraram a queixa contra o Brasil em 2001. O envolvimento político de redes transnacionais de ONGs levou o assunto ao conhecimento da opinião pública mundial, fato que parece ter influenciado o resultado do contencioso. Sob o marco teórico da transnacionalidade, este estudo tem o objetivo de dimensionar o grau de influência política das ONGs organizadas em redes e seu impacto no resultado do contencioso. Para isso, (1) identifica as principais ONGs envolvidas na campanha global de acesso a medicamentos essenciais no período compreendido entre 1997 e 2001; (2) resgata o conflito em propriedade intelectual existente entre Brasil e Estados Unidos desde as décadas de 70 e 80; analisa (3) as estratégias das redes transnacionais de ONGs dentro da campanha de acesso a medicamentos essenciais e (4) os principais condicionantes do papel das ONGs na política mundial. Com base no estudo empírico da campanha de acesso a medicamentos essenciais, a conclusão reflete um esforço em dimensionar o papel das redes transnacionais de ONGs no contencioso entre Brasil e Estados Unidos na OMC, interpretando-o como parte de um movimento transnacional anti-hegemônico que gerou resultados benéficos em questões de propriedade intelectual aos países em desenvolvimento entre 1997 e 2001. / Brazil and the United States appear to have defended divergent intellectual property policies since the 1970s. The controversy on pharmaceutical patents at the World Trade Organization (WTO) started back in 2000 with a complaint by the United States about the Brazilian patent law and it is part of this context of divergence between both countries. The controversy was solved by means of an agreement in which the United States withdrew the complaint against Brazil in 2001. The political engagement of transnational NGOs networks leveraged this issue to the concern of global public opinion. This fact appears to have influenced the outcome of the case at the WTO. Based on theoretical approaches on transnationalism, this study aims to dimension the degree of political influence of networkbased NGOs and its impact on the conflict outcome at the WTO. For this purpose, the research work (1) identifies the main NGOs engaged in and involved by the Global Access to Essential Medicines Campaign between 1997 and 2001; (2) reviews the conflicts on intellectual property between Brazil and the United States which have been taking place since the 1970s and 80s; analyses (3) the transnational NGOs networks’ strategies in the scope of the Global Access to Essential Medicines Campaign and (4) the main conditioning factors to the role of NGOs in world politics. Based on the empirical study on the Global Access to Essential Medicines Campaign, the conclusion reflects an effort to dimension the role of transnational NGOs networks in the controversy between Brazil and the United States at the WTO, interpreting it as part of an anti-hegemonic transnational movement that generated beneficial outcomes on intellectual property issues to developing countries between 1997 and 2001.

p. 1 - 127 / Submitted by Santiago Fabio (fabio.ssantiago@hotmail.com) on 2013-01-31T18:40:09Z No. of bitstreams: 1 444.pdf: 4212397 bytes, checksum: 6a50dcb119faa11bc449dea3cee42adb (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Fatima Cleômenis Botelho Maria (botelho@ufba.br) on 2013-02-04T14:31:25Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 444.pdf: 4212397 bytes, checksum: 6a50dcb119faa11bc449dea3cee42adb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-02-04T14:31:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 444.pdf: 4212397 bytes, checksum: 6a50dcb119faa11bc449dea3cee42adb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Quais os modelos de comunicação que necessitamos em nossas atividades sócio-ambientais? Como tratar a questão da comunicação social, no âmbito de uma organização pública, no contexto político baiano? A presente dissertação, desenvolvida no Mestrado Profissional de Administração da Universidade Federal da Bahia, intitulada Comunicação Social como instrumento para a gestão dos Recursos Hídricos: uma análise da experiência de uma organização pública – o caso SRH-Bahia enfoca a as práticas de comunicação na Superintendência de Recursos Hídricos da Bahia (SRH-Ba). O trabalho buscou provocar o diálogo entre a realidade da SRH-Ba e a teoria relacionada ao campo do meio ambiente, da Comunicação Social, da informação e da participação social. Após a construção, houve a “desconstrução” da noção de que a teoria fosse capaz de dar luz segura a um futuro incerto. O que se descortinou foi uma realidade nua e dura de um modelo tradicional de gestão, que corre para se contemporaneizar, pautando-se no planejamento do balanced score card e na participação social num contexto democrático. Trata-se de uma busca frenética pela compreensão e implantação do que se entenda por sustentabilidade e meio ambiente, recursos hídricos e participação social procurando assim coabitar entre as diversas áreas interdisciplinares necessárias para essa gestão: técnica, cognitiva, econômica, social e política. / Salvador

Made available in DSpace on 2009-11-18T18:50:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 victor final.pdf: 28182 bytes, checksum: eb5c39dd572f320a7469ca2fcd298c23 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Esse trabalho busca identificar as principais características assumidas pelas organizações não-governamentais (ONGs) brasileiras e os fatores que têm contribuído para o expressivo crescimento dessas organizações observado nas duas últimas décadas. A tese aqui defendida é de que elas foram legitimadas pela sociedade, à despeito da nebulosidade que envolve suas práticas. Partindo da constatação de que o termo é polissêmico e de que não há um marco legal consolidado para delimitar claramente o que é uma ONG, a pesquisa adotou um universo bem específico: as ONGs filiadas à Associação Brasileira de Organizações Não-Governamentais (ABONG), sediadas no município do Rio de Janeiro. As características assumidas pelas organizações pesquisadas foram levantadas em entrevistas com seus dirigentes, visitas às suas sedes e nos documentos institucionais disponibilizados. Também foram entrevistados formadores de opinião da sociedade carioca. O levantamento de dados contou ainda com uma revisão da literatura disponível. Foi utilizada a Teoria das Representações Sociais para um melhor entendimento da relação que a sociedade estabeleceu com as ONGs. A tese revela que as características assumidas pelas ONGs são bastante diferenciadas. Sobre os fatores que têm induzido o crescimento dessas organizações, verifica-se uma significativa relação com a redução da atuação do Estado. São também apontados a existência de uma legislação inadequada, as facilidades oferecidas pelas parcerias estabelecidas, a imagem predominantemente positiva na sociedade, a falta de fiscalização e as crescentes demandas sociais do país destacam-se como possíveis indutores da expansão dessas organizações. / This paper aims to identify the main characteristics undertaken by the brazilian non governmental organization (NGO's) and the political, social, economical and personal factors that have contributed for the impressive growth of these organizations which has been observed on the past two decades. The thesis defended herein is that these organizations were legitimated by the society, despite the lack of transparency that surrounds their practice. By acknowledging that the terrn has many meanings, and that there is no legal consolidated mark to delimit exactly what a NGO is, the research has adopted a very specific universe: the NGO' s affiliated to the Associação Brasileira de Organizações Não-Governamentais (ABONG), located in Rio de Janeiro. The characteristics undertaken by the researched organizations were raised through interviews withits directors, visits to its headquarters and institutional documents that were made available. Mind makers of the Rio de Janeiro's society were also interviewed. The data research was also aided by the revision of the available literature. The Social Representation Theory was used in order to have a better understanding of the relationship that society has established with the NGO's. The thesis reveals that the characteristics undertaken by the NGO's are very different. In regards to the factors that have induced the growth of these organizations, we can notice a significant reduction of the States' acting. AIso pointed out are the non existence of an adequate legislation, the facilities offered by the partnership established, the prevailing of a positive image for the society, the lack of inspection and the increasing social needs of the country which stand out as possible inductors of the expansion of these organizations.

Roraima é um caso emblemático, assim como a Amazônia, como ilustrações das profundas mudanças das ações implementadas pelo Estado nacional brasileiro nos últimos 50 anos, com destaque para as últimas duas décadas e meia, em razão, principalmente, do aprofundamento da globalização, das ideologias e mecanismos dos regimes internacionais de meio ambiente e de direitos humanos dos povos indígenas. Derradeira fronteira econômica do Norte brasileiro, o território roraimense está institucionalmente protegido contra a sua utilização para a produção agropecuária em bases capitalistas (propriedade privada, liberdade de utilização do fator terra, orientação para o mercado). A superfície sob proteção atinge mais de 93% do território roraimense, restando em torno de 7% utilizáveis como capital natural para o desenvolvimento de atividades econômicas. Na Amazônia Legal, as áreas protegidas representam quase três quartos (3/4) da sua superfície. A construção desse território é resultado direto da decisão do Estado nacional brasileiro de assumir o papel de protagonista nas relações internacionais, explicado pela ótica da ideologia, fruto das relações Centro-Periferia. O objetivo dos países do Centro do sistema de relações internacionais é a manutenção da Estabilidade Hegemônica, tendo como instituições os regimes internacionais de meio ambiente e de direitos humanos; e como estruturas organizacionais as organizações internacionais e as organizações não governamentais. Esse objetivo se projeta sobre países detentores de capital natural ainda inexplorado, especialmente de florestas tropicais, e seu rebatimento sobre o território desses países se configura na criação de espaços protegidos. E a Amazônia é o coração – organismo vital – o lócus principal dessa Nova Ordem Internacional. Tais espaços transformam os territórios construídos em verdadeiros depósitos de capital natural, expressos em matérias-primas já conhecidas e a biodiversidade ainda em processo de descobrimento para sua possível utilização futura, sob a ótica e o interesse dos países do Centro, num cenário mundial de preocupação com os efeitos das mudanças climáticas e a escassez face o crescimento populacional planetário. Embora os territórios protegidos pareçam contrariar a lógica da expansão do capital na esfera produtiva, sua reprodução segue garantida pela ação do capital financeiro internacional, por meio da financeirização dos chamados serviços ambientais. Esses objetivos são perseguidos tendo como pano de fundo, para encobri-los, a permanente ameaça de um futuro sombrio para a humanidade devido ao aquecimento do planeta motivado pela forma com que os humanos lançam gases tóxicos na atmosfera. Embora o tema seja controverso, pois, afinal, outros cientistas atribuem o aquecimento global a fenômenos geológicos e/ou ao funcionamento do próprio sistema solar, e não às ações antrópicas, o certo é que restou dominante no conserto das relações internacionais entre os países a ideia de que é preciso fazer algo para mitigar os efeitos da intervenção humana no meio natural. Essas ideias processam interesses que geram políticas ambientais e indigenistas, cuja práxis é a criação de áreas protegidas na Amazônia Legal, que transformaram Roraima numa espécie de laboratório a céu aberto de experiências dos regimes internacionais de meio ambiente e direitos humanos dos povos indígenas, que têm por referência conceitual a ideia de desenvolvimento sustentável. / Roraima is an emblematic case, as the Amazon, as illustrations of the profound changes the actions implemented by the Brazilian national state in the last 50 years, especially the last two and a half decades, mainly due to the deepening of globalization ideologies and mechanisms international regimes environmental and human rights of indigenous peoples. Last economic frontier of northern Brazil, Roraima territory is institutionally protected its use for agricultural production on a capitalist basis (private property, free use of the land factor, market orientation). The surface under protection reaches over 93% of Roraima territory, leaving around 7% usable as natural capital for the development of economic activities. In the Amazon, protected areas account for almost half of its surface. The construction of this territory is a direct result of the decision of the Brazilian national state to assume the role of protagonist in international relations, explained from the perspective of ideology, the result of center-periphery relations. The purpose of the system of international relations of the Centre's countries is the maintenance of Hegemonic Stability, with the institutions the international regimes of the environment and human rights; and as organizational structures the international organizations and NGOs. This goal is projected on countries with untapped natural capital, especially tropical forests, and its bounce on the territory of these countries are set by the creation protected areas. And Amazon is the heart - vital body - the main locus of this New World Order. Such spaces transform the built territories into true deposits of natural capital, expressed in already known raw materials and biodiversity still in discovery process for possible future use, from the perspective and interests of the Centre's countries in a global scenario of concern with the effects of climate change and the scarcity face the planetary population growth. Although protected areas appear to contradict the logic of capital expansion in the productive sphere, reproduction follows guaranteed by the action of international financial capital through the financialization of so-called environmental services. These goals are pursued with a background that covers them the permanent threat of a bleak future for humanity due to the heating of the planet motivated by the way that human release toxic gases into the atmosphere. Although the issue is controversial because, after all, other scientists attribute global warming to geological phenomena and / or the operation of the solar system itself, and not to human actions, the correct fact is that remain dominant in the concert of international relations between countries the idea that something must be done to mitigate the effects of human intervention in the natural surroundings. These ideas process interests that generate environmental and indigenous policies, whose practice is the creation of protected areas in the Legal Amazon that have transformed Roraima in a species of laboratory under open sky to international regimes of the environment and human rights of indigenous peoples experiences, whose conceptual reference the idea of sustainable development.