Since its implementation in 2002, the Better Regulation agenda for improved policy-making aimed at closing the gap in the policy cycle in the European Union. The gap in the policy cycle is said to be due to a lack of compliance with evaluations of existing regulations through ex-post evaluations before starting new policy processes with impact assessments. With a point of departure in the effect of the external shock from Covid-19 on the EU policy process, the thesis analyzes if and how the usage of ex-post evaluation in impact assessments has differed before and during Covid-19. This comparative case study focuses on the qualitative use of ex-post evaluations in impact assessments during crises, the study contributes with a new crisis-oriented focus on the research on Better Regulation as well as new data on the cyclical policy process in the EU. The analysis tests two explanatory theories for non-compliance by linking ex-post evaluations with impact assessments under Better Regulation. The theory of regulatory reactivity can explain non-compliance tied to the external shock of Covid-19 and the inherent variation in DG capacity to produce cyclical and evidence-based impact assessments in line with the Better Regulation guidelines can explain if the non-compliance is systematic. The results contradict the somewhat pessimistic picture from previous research and the theoretical expectations of compliance with Better Regulation. A stronger compliance over time with Better Regulation was found which was not visibly impacted by the external shock from Covid-19 nor connected to the variation in DG capacity.

Today a grand majority (around 80%) of the European citizens live in cities or towns. Europe is more urbanised than ever. Contemporaneously, climate change and global warming is an increasing threat worldwide. In 2006, the European Commission of the European Union (EU) therefore launched the idea of implementing the yearly European Green Capital (EGC) award. The aim was (and still is) to create role models by promoting cities that constantly take strong actions for the environment and thereby inspire other cities to make green choices too. In February 2009 the first two EGC winners were announced: Stockholm (Sweden) 2010 and Hamburg (Germany) 2011. The question is whether an award of this kind is the right method for the EU to deal with environment issues. If not, the EU should invest its resources elsewhere. This thesis aims at evaluating the EGC by looking closer at Stockholm as the EGC winner of 2010 and by analysing the impacts the EGC title has on Sweden’s EU Presidency the second half of 2009. The ecological modernisation theory reconciles economic growth and environmental protection, and provides several relevant features and aspects to this thesis regarding sustainable development, voluntary approaches and environmental policy-making. By applying the theory on the EGC many things such as the underlying visions and methods of the award can be explained and analysed. The conclusion of the thesis is that the EGC in some respects is leading to a greener and more sustainable Europe or at least has the potential to do so.

The issue of environmental risks from the pharmaceutical endocrine disrupter 17 alpha-ethinyl oestradiol (EE2), which is an active ingredient in the contraceptive pill, confronts government responsibilities for citizens' health with potential environmental risks from its presence in aquatic ecosystems. Further to a risk appraisal process conducted under the Water Framework Directive (WFD) between 2006 and 2012, the European Commission recommended the imposition of an environmental quality standard for EE2. In 2013, this recommendation was rejected by politicians. The outcome was both contested and commended. The UK Government was particularly vehement in its opposition and claimed that the risk assessment process for EE2 was not robust. The UK Government also insisted that it had swayed opinion of other EU Member States to convince them that action for EE2 was not proportionate given the extremely elevated costs of risk control options. At the present time, environmental policy for EE2 and other endocrine disrupters remains resolutely ineffective. Despite three distinct policy interventions recommending precautionary action for EE2 during the past twenty years, emissions of this potent, oestrogenic endocrine disrupter continue unabated. This thesis explains why European politicians rejected the European Commission’s risk governance recommendations for EE2 in 2013 under the Water Framework Directive. This comprises its principal empirical contribution. A novel analytical framework which draws on insights from the policy sciences, risk governance and wicked problems literature is developed. This framework is employed to determine whether the policy outcome for EE2, and the decision-making processes that preceded it, were legitimate. The research findings in this respect advance understanding of the implications of specific properties of wicked problems, of which it is argued, EE2 is an example, for the legitimacy of decision-making processes during the risk appraisal and political phases of policy development in Europe. This comprises the principle theoretical contribution of the thesis. Recommendations to promote more effective and legitimate policy development for wicked problems in similar multi-level governance contexts are also made.

The central issue of this study revolves around public participation in the making and implementation of policy in Mauritius, particularly at the Port Louis’ local government. Public participation is regarded as one of the milestones of democracy and local governance. Local government provides an ideal forum for allowing participatory democracy to flourish as it is closest to the inhabitants. The question of what are the levels of public participation in the making and implementation of policy in Mauritius with reference to the Port Louis’ local government formed the core element of the problem statement of the thesis. Following this, the hypothesis is stated. Attention is devoted on the four objectives of the research questions: What are the key concepts that relate to public participation in the making and implementation of policy at local government level; what impact does the Constitution of the Republic of Mauritius Amendment, 2003 (Act 124 of 2003) and the New Local Government Act, 2005 (Act 23 of 2005) have on public participation in the making and implementation of policy in Mauritius, particularly at the Port Louis’ local government and what modes of public participation are used in the making and implementation of policy at the Port Louis’ local government; and what are the main factors that influence public participation in the making and implementation of policy at the Port Louis’ local government? Within the thesis, the research findings obtained from the questionnaire; and the interviews are analysed and interpreted. Ultimately, in view of the arguments presented in this thesis an attempt was made to provide some recommendations on public participation in the making and implementation of policy in Mauritius, particularly at the Port Louis’ local government. / Public Administration / D.P.A)

The aim of this study was to develop an empowerment model that could be used to enhance nurse leaders’ participation in health policy development. The study explored the extent of nurse leaders’ participation in health policy development; built consensus on: essential leadership attributes and facilitators and barriers to nurse leaders participation in health policy development. A Delphi survey was applied which included the following criteria: expert panelists, iterative rounds, statistical analysis, and consensus building. The expert panelists were purposively selected and included national nurse leaders in leadership positions at the nursing professional associations, nursing regulatory bodies, ministries of health and universities in East Africa. The study was conducted in three iterative rounds. There were 78 expert panelists invited to participate in the study, the response rate was 47% for the first round, 65% for the second round and 100% for the third round. The data collection was done with the use of semi structured (first round) and structured questionnaires (second and third rounds). Data analysis for the first round was done by examining the data for the most commonly occurring categories. The second and third rounds were quantitative and descriptive statistics were used. The consensus accepted for the second round was 90%, and for the third round consensus was 70%. The findings of the study indicate that nurse leaders participate in health policy development though participation is limited and not consistent across all the stages of health policy development. The study revealed consensus on essential leadership attributes required for nurse leaders’ participation in health policy development, including transformational attributes, political skills, interpersonal and communication skills. The facilitators to nurse leaders’ participation in health policy development pertain to: knowledge and skills, involvement, image of nursing, support, structures and processes. Whereas, the barriers relate to: involvement, image of nursing, structures and processes. An empowerment model for nurse leaders participation in health policy development was developed. Implementation of the model may lead to enhance nurse leaders participation in health policy development. / Health Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Health Studies)

This dissertation examines the democratic participation in the formulation of the communal land policy in Namibia. The degree to which Government institutions allow public participation, cooperation with other sectors within government, and cooperate with other stakeholders such as Non-Governmental Organisations, is examined. Data were collected using questionnaires and interviews and literature research. The analysis of data integrated both qualitative and quantitative methodologies. Chapter One describes the background to the study, focusing on the history of democratic participation and land policies in Namibia. The literature review in Chapter Two gives a review of the relevant literature that exists on democracy, democratic participation and policymaking. Chapter Three provides a theoretical framework where the most important issues regarding policies relating to communal land were introduced. Chapter Four identified the tools and processes of conducting the study. Three regions in Namibia namely, Oshikoto, Hardap and Otjozondjupa were randomly selected to participate in this study. The findings of the study are discussed in Chapter Five and Chapter Six concludes the study. The study concluded that democratic participation in the formulation of the communal land policy in Namibia is very low. The major challenges that remain are to encourage public and inter-sectoral debate and to improve the ability of the relevant stakeholders to support development in Namibia and to clarify Namibia’s vision for democratic public participation. / Public Administration & Management / M. Tech. (Public Administration and Management)

2005年陳水扁總統，針對軍公教退休人員之退休金及公保養老給付，得以18％利率辦理優惠存款、降低所得替代率等，要求相關單位提出改革方案。銓敘部經與教育部、國防部及行政院人事行政局等相關主管機關組成專案小組，在公務人員方面擬具「公務人員退休所得合理化改革方案」報請考試院於同年11月10日確定方案內容；至部分執行內涵則於2006年1月5日決議由銓敘部依權責自行負責處理。案經銓敘部邀集相關主管機關開會研商後，決定軍公教人員改革方案於同年2月16日同步實施。 值此，軍公教退休人員多數表達無法接受，組織退休聯盟進行各項訴求與抗爭行動；同時立法院中國國民黨黨團及親民黨黨團多數委員支持退休聯盟之主張，運用預算審查權為手段，燃起本項改革方案再度討論的關鍵力量。 本文採文獻探討法針對公務人員退休所得合理化改革方案進行研究，筆者從相關文獻及媒體的報導中發現，本項改革方案的政策制訂過程乃是以菁英決策的方式出現，主要涉及行政官員、考試委員、立法委員及軍公教退休聯盟之間的互動過程。 爰此，筆者藉由菁英理論的觀點透過David Easton 所提出的政治系統理論為基礎，將「公務人員退休所得合理化改革方案」相關影響政策制訂過程之參與者納入，提出一整合性的研究架構進行論述，並依參與人員為標準，分為行政菁英、立法菁英、知識菁英及標的團體四類，試圖經由本項改革個案的探討，進一步對菁英理論相應於政策制訂過程有較為深入之瞭解。 本文以2005年9月陳總統對外界作出「政策」宣示，迄至2008年1月立法院第六屆立法委員任期屆滿止，為研究時間範圍。首先對政策制訂過程與菁英理論進行探討，並將四類菁英就其角色與影響政策制訂的方式與策略加以論述；其次對本項改革方案制訂過程及主要爭議作詳細闡述；接續對四類菁英運用之策略進行分析；最後作出結論，整合歸納前述之研究內容，提出研究發現與後續研究之建議。

L’objectif du présent mémoire est double. D’une part, il cherche à identifier les facteurs qui permettent au gouvernement canadien et aux peuples autochtones de s’entendre sur des politiques publiques, malgré la persistance d’une logique coloniale. Nous verrons que l’atteinte d’une entente est conditionnelle à la légitimité du processus d’élaboration de la politique publique d’un point de vue autochtone. D’autre part, ce travail invite à penser le processus d’élaboration des politiques publiques comme espace potentiel d’autodétermination. Étant donné la malléabilité des règles qui encadrent l’élaboration des politiques publiques en contexte canadien, le gouvernement – s’il en a la volonté - peut modeler le processus d’élaboration de façon à le rendre plus égalitaire et donc plus légitime d’un point de vue autochtone. Il sera démontré que, dans une optique de changements progressifs, un tel processus d’élaboration peut permettre aux peuples autochtones de regagner une certaine autonomie décisionnelle et ainsi atténuer les rapports de pouvoir inégalitaires. Notre cadre théorique a été construit à l’aide de différents courants analytiques, issus notamment des littératures sur le colonialisme, sur les politiques publiques et sur la légitimité. La comparaison de deux études de cas, soit les processus d’élaboration de l’Accord de Kelowna et du projet de loi C-33, Loi sur le contrôle par les Premières Nations de leur système d’éducation, permettra d’illustrer nos arguments et d’en démontrer l’applicabilité pratique. En somme, nous verrons comment la première étude de cas permet de concevoir l’élaboration des politiques publiques comme espace potentiel d’autodétermination, et comment la deuxième, au contraire, démontre que cette sphère peut encore en être une d’oppression. / The purpose of this thesis is twofold. First, it seeks to identify factors that enable the federal government and Aboriginal peoples to agree on public policies despite the persistence of settler colonialism. It demonstrates that such an agreement is conditional upon the legitimacy, from an Aboriginal perspective, of the policy-making process. Second, this thesis uses a pragmatic approach to call for a reflection on the capacity for policy-making processes to become a space for Aboriginal self-determination. Given the flexibility of current rules that govern the policy-making process in Canada, a government – if it has the will - can shape the process in a more egalitarian fashion, thus increasing the process’s legitimacy from an Aboriginal viewpoint. In a perspective of incremental change, such policy-making process could help Aboriginal people regain some decisional autonomy and hence mitigate the unequal power relationship that actually exists between them and the Canadian state. Building on a theoretical framework that blends different approaches, notably from literatures on public policy, colonialism and legitimacy, this thesis explores two case studies : the policy-making process that led to the Kelowna Accord in 2005 and the one that led to Bill C-33, First Nations Control of First Nations Education Act, in 2014. The comparison of both cases illustrates our arguments and demonstrates its practical applicability. In brief, it shows how the policy-making process can be both a self-determination space and a tool of oppression.

Cette recherche envisage la compréhension et la représentation du phénomène de compétitivité territoriale. Phénomène encore peu étudié par le management public, le parti pris est celui d’une exploration hybride susceptible d’inclure dans l’analyse les contextes, les contenus et processus mobilisés. La compétitivité territoriale est donc appréhendée comme un construit et non comme une donnée. L’approche par la complexité vise à re-construire les pratiques effectivement mise en œuvre par les managers territoriaux au travers d’une confrontation de la théorie et de l’empirie.La première partie est destinée à formaliser un cadre conceptuel et méthodologique pour le management de la compétitivité territoriale. Suivant une approche transdisciplinaire, les contours de la mise en action publique pour la compétitivité des territoires y sont délimités. L’heuristique d’axiome global permet la prise en compte des influences des contextes selon une logique « en marché » et une logique « en société ». Les dimensions idiosyncrasiques et diachroniques de la compétitivité territoriales sont définies pour analyser contenus et processus de l’objet de la recherche. Les analogies mécaniques et biologiques permettent ainsi de faciliter la compréhension des modalités managériales émergentes. La deuxième partie passe l’objet de la recherche à l’épreuve empirique. Une étude de cas longitudinale avec deux unités d’analyse encastrées est menée en pays d’Aix. Quatre modalités de management de la compétitivité territoriale sont ainsi dégagées. Suivant un régime d’accumulation, la délimitation du périmètre de la mise en action publique est l’étape initiale. La construction par les managers des arènes collaboratives via les structures génériques de projets des politiques publiques volontaristes dégagent des bouquets de services. La transition de la logique « en marché » à la logique « en société » est assuré par une modalité de proximité sociétale qui émerge des politiques publiques territoriales. La construction d’une arène de convergence des intentions finalisées d’acteurs hétérogènes passe alors par une chaîne locale de l’innovation tissée entre des managers experts. L’écosystème local de l’innovation est constitué par l’encastrement des réseaux personnels de chaque manager et permet de relier des structures hétérogènes aux finalités diverses. Cet écosystème doit alors être managé pour assurer la pérennité du système de compétitivité territoriale au travers du temps. A ce titre, les modes de gouvernance de la compétitivité territoriale doivent favoriser des configurations souples, différenciées et partagées. Des configurations susceptibles de voir se croiser les chemins de la prospérité avec ceux de la compétitivité (différenciées) ; des configurations susceptibles encore de permettre la dialogique des processus d’actions publiques pour arbitrer entre polarisation et dispersion des activités productives (souples) ; des configurations susceptibles enfin de permettre à l’énergie cinétique de se déployer sur un territoire pour le rendre compétitif au travers de la construction d’une arène de convergence des intentions par la proximité sociétale (partagées) / This research considers the understanding and representation of the phenomenon of territorial competitiveness. The thesis is an hybrid exploration of new phenomenon studied by the Public Management and may be included analysis of the contexts, contents and processes used. Territorial competitiveness is understood as a framework, not a fact. The complexity approach is to re-build practices effectively implemented by managers through a territorial confrontation of theory and empiricism. The first part formalizes a conceptual and methodological framework for the management of territorial competitiveness. As a transdisciplinary approach, the outlines of public policy-making are defined for the competitiveness of territories. The overall heuristic axiom allows the consideration of the influences of contexts according to a market logic and society logic. Idiosyncratic and diachronic dimensions of territorial competitiveness are defined to analyze contents and processes of the subject of research. Thus, the mechanical and biological analogies allow a better understanding of the emergent management modalities.The second part goes over the empirical test. A longitudinal case study based on two embedded units of analysis is conducted at Aix-en-Provence. Four modalities of territorial competitiveness management have been found. The boundaries lines of public policy-making are defined by the growth of continuous additions. The packages of services emerge from the construction of collaborative arenas by managers through proactive public policies projects. The transition from market logic to society logic is provided by a form of societal proximity that emerges from the territorial public policies. The erection of an arena to lead intentions finalized of heterogeneous actors goes through a local chain of innovation between managers. The local ecosystem of innovation is constituted by the embedding of personal networks of each manager and for linking heterogeneous structures with different purposes. This ecosystem must be managed to ensure the sustainability of the system of territorial competitiveness. Tree types of territorial competitiveness governance would appear concurrently: flexible, differentiated and shared. The first one type will mix the paths of prosperity with those of competitiveness (differentiated). The second type may allow the dialogical processes of public policy-making to arbitrate between polarization and dispersion of productive activities (flexible). The last one may permit the kinetic energy to deploy in an area to be competitive through the construction of an arena of convergence of intentions by social proximity (shared)

Como alternativa para superar mais uma crise do capitalismo, no final do século XX configurou-se uma nova organização geopolítica e econômica mundial de cunho neoliberal. Ela atribui ao Estado de Bem-Estar Social a responsabilidade pela crise e pela ineficiência em responder às demandas sociais do mundo em transformação. Em resposta às críticas, nasce o movimento de reforma do Estado, que vem assumindo posições nas duas últimas décadas. Nos anos 80 predominou a concepção do Estado mínimo, que encarregou o mercado da responsabilidade pelo crescimento econômico e pelo atendimento às necessidades da sociedade. Na década seguinte questionou-se esse modelo. O ideário do Estado forte regulador e coordenador de políticas sociais respondeu aquele questionamento, deixando para o mercado e o terceiro setor a produção de bens e serviços. Influenciado pela nova administração pública, esse Estado é concebido como gerenciador do desenvolvimento social, incorporando mecanismos do setor privado para aperfeiçoar resultados, como retenção de gastos e controle de custos. Essa é a orientação do plano diretor de reforma do aparelho estatal implantado pelo Governo brasileiro a partir de 1995. Uma de suas principais estratégicas foi a criação das organizações sociais – estatuto legal que permite às instituições sem fins lucrativos desenvolverem funções sociais delegadas pelo Estado. A partir de 1998, a Secretaria de Estado da Saúde de São Paulo tem repassado a gestão de hospitais para organizações sociais de saúde, mediante contratos de gestão,que discriminam objetivos e metas a serem alcançados na produção de serviços médico-hospitalares. Duas dessas experiências são analisadas aqui – os Hospitais Gerais de Itapecerica da Serra e do Itaim Paulista – com vistas a avaliar a capacidade do Estado de promover tal delegação, à luz do controle público e da garantia da eqüidade no acesso aos serviços de saúde. Empregou-se metodologia qualitativa, mediante estudo de caso. Foram realizadas trinta entrevistas com membros das equipes técnicas, das administrações e das mantenedoras dessas organizações, usuários dos serviços, representantes do Legislativo e do Executivo estadual. Procedeu-se à leitura de documentos e relatórios técnicos. Os resultados indicaram não haver incorporação do âmbito local na gestão dos serviços prestados; o principal coordenador e controlador das metas estabelecidas é a administração central da secretaria estadual. Para que se efetive a eqüidade no acesso, é fundamental a presença do Poder público local como articulador do sistema de saúde. O controle público expressa-se por ações fiscalizadoras mediante procedimentos contábil-financeiros do Tribunal de Contas do Estado ou das instâncias locais do controle social do Sistema Único de Saúde ou dos conselhos populares de saúde. A população não participa da formulação das ações de saúde. Nessa modalidade de gestão, o Poder público estadual assume presença marcante mediante financiamento global e controle administrativo dessas organizações, o que caracteriza uma desconcentração de função para instituições públicas não-estatais, responsáveis por uma lógica privada de gerenciamento por intermédio da contratação de recursos humanos e de administração financeira, aspectos limitantes da ação estatal. / At the end of the 20th century we had seen the come out of a new geopolitical and economical world configuration of neoliberal traces, as an alternative to overcome the capitalism crisis. The Welfare State is criticized by such conception, being assigned to it the responsibility for the crisis and the inefficiency to answer the social demands of a world that is constantly changing. In response to these critiques comes out the State reform movement that has assumed several propositions in the past two decades. The conception of minimum State that prevailed in the 80’s, leaving to the market the responsibility for the economical growing and caring of the society needs. In the next decade this model was questioned. Then comes the ideology of the strong State that must regulate and coordinate the social politics, leaving to the market and the non-governmental organizations the productions of goods and services. Influenced by the new public management, this State is conceived as a manager of social development, using mechanisms of the private sector to optimize results, as the retention of expenses and cost control. We observe this orientation in the director plan of reform of the governmental machine, presented by the Brazilian Govern since 1995. One of the main strategies was the creation of the Social Organizations ¾ legal statute that allows the non profit institutions to develop social functions delegated by the State. Since 1998, the Secretaria de Estado da Saúde de São Paulo has repassed hospitals to Social Organizations of Health, through performance agreements, establishing goals to be reached in the production of hospitalar services. Two of these experiences were analysed ¾ the General Hospitals from Itapecerica da Serra and from Itaim Paulista ¾ with the intention to evaluate the ability of the State in promoting such delegation, under the public control and the guarantee of equity in the access to he health services. We used qualitative methodology, through the technique of study of case. There were thirty interviews done, involving members from the technical staff, from the administration and from the owners of these organizations, users of the services, and representatives of the Legislative and Executive of the State. We did read the documents and technical reports. The results indicated that there is no incorporation at the local level in the management of the services done, and that the central level of the Secretaria Estadual is the main coordinator and controller of the goals established. As to the equity in the access, is fundamental the presence of the local Public Power to its effectiveness, in the articulation of the health system, as we have seen in the Itapecerica da Serra experience. The public control is made by inspection actions, through financial procedures of the Tribunal de Contas do Estado, or the local instances of social control of the Sistema Único de Saúde or of the popular counsils of health. There is no participation of the population in the formulation of health actions. In this kind of management the Public Power of the state of the São Paulo has a fundamental role, through the global financing and administrative control of these Organizations, characterizing a desconcentration of function for non governmental public institutions, that is responsible for a private logic of managing, through the contract of human resources and financial administration, limiting aspects of the action of the State.