Federal and State law in a northeastern US state requires all adjudicated sex offenders to register on the state's sex offender registry (SOR) for the purpose of protecting the citizens of the state from predatory sex offenders and reducing sexual recidivism. This study tests the assumption, based on deterrence theory, that registration on the SOR is necessary as a deterrent to future sexual offending by sex offenders. Data from the Maryland Sex Offender Registry in two counties in a northeastern US state pertaining to a total of 1,985 registered sex offenders were analyzed to see geographic differences of offender, and state sexual crime data over a 24 year period from 1991-2016 was analyzed using multiple regression. Independent variables included completeness of information on the MSOR registry profile; recidivism, re-arrest rates, and violence against women were the dependent variables. The analysis revealed that offenders in Baltimore County the more rural part were more likely to provide not valid addresses or addresses that are out of compliance with state and federal regulations for the SOR. Analysis also revealed that there was statistical significance in the recidivism rates of sex offenders in Maryland after the implementation of the Sex Offender Registry. This supports previous published research findings that SOR registration has no deterrent effect on recidivism. Implications for positive social changes include reducing the number of false positives, improving the quality of life for sex offenders, better allocation of public resources, and increased safety for citizens through better assessment of risk factors.

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Thesis (M.S.W.)--Smith College School for Social Work, Northampton, Mass., 2007 / Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment for the degree of Master of Social Work. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 15-17, 39-42, 60-63).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Canterbury, 2008. / Typescript (photocopy). "February 2008." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 203-221). Also available via the World Wide Web.

The term criminal career is used to describe the course or progress of criminal activity: its onset, duration, termination, severity, and change in severity. Such a term has important implications, given that significant criminal justice, social, and health policies such as crime control, parole, and correctional treatment and management are predicated on achieving the reduction of criminal careers of serious, repeat offenders. Despite its conceptual simplicity, however, criminal career is often treated as having no depth or scope, for example, merely as the number of crimes or length of prison sentence. These indices often give no or little consideration to criminal career parameters and tend to account for only a small portion of the construct of criminal careers. Ideally, a simple metric to measure the onset, duration, termination, severity, and change in severity of a pattern of criminal activities is needed to facilitate the description and measurement of criminal careers of offenders. <p>The Criminal Career Profile (CCP), which uses commonly available criminological information and requires minimal professional skills to execute, can be considered a simple and precise measure of criminal careers. The CCP is a chronological representation on a Cartesian plane of the time in years an offender has spent in prison (y-axis) plotted against the time in years spent out of prison (x-axis) of all incarcerations and time spent in the community. Given that the CCP is a step function, a regression line can be generated. Serious crimes are generally given longer sentences, and more time in than out of prison would generate a steeper regression line. Shallower regression lines result from less time in than out of prison. As such, the CCP regression line can be considered an indication of the seriousness of offending, and the slope or angle of the regression line can be considered a quantitative index of criminal career severity. Larger slopes or angles (used in this Program of Research) suggest more serious criminal careers. Conversely, smaller slopes or angles suggest less serous criminal careers. Taken altogether, the CCP can provide a quantitative measure of criminal careers: its onset (age at first conviction, which is plotted as the first point on a CCP graph), duration (total time in and out of prison since onset), severity (CCP slope/angle), change in severity (change in CCP slope/angle), and termination (end point or when the CCP slope or angle becomes smaller and closer to 0).<p>This Program of Research was done to assess the CCPs validity and utility in measuring offenders criminal career. More specifically, the investigation focused on the seriousness of criminal careers. A number of criteria were used to validate the CCP angles ability to measure criminal career severity. In Study 1, psychopaths and violent recidivists showed a significantly larger CCP angle than nonpsychopaths and violent nonrecidivists, respectively. Finer groupings based on risk (high, medium, and low), a number of risk measures (Psychopathy Checklist Revised, Violence Risk Scale, and Violence Risk Scale Sexual Offender Version), and different types of offenders (i.e. violent, nonviolent, sexual, Dangerous Offenders) were used in Study 2. Two consistent findings across different groups of offenders in Study 2 were CCP angles significantly varied as a function of risk group and correlated with risk ratings. The pattern of results was that larger CCP angles tended to be associated with worse risk groups. In Study 3, both treated offenders and treatment dropouts showed a reduction in CCP angles from pre- to post-treatment. A nonsignificant interaction of group by treatment, however, suggests that post-treatment changes could not be attributed to treatment. Finally, Study 4 showed that CCP angles change with age. Taken altogether, the results of the four studies provided converging evidence for the validity of the CCP as a measure of criminal careers and the CCP angle as a measure of criminal career severity.

The term criminal career is used to describe the course or progress of criminal activity: its onset, duration, termination, severity, and change in severity. Such a term has important implications, given that significant criminal justice, social, and health policies such as crime control, parole, and correctional treatment and management are predicated on achieving the reduction of criminal careers of serious, repeat offenders. Despite its conceptual simplicity, however, criminal career is often treated as having no depth or scope, for example, merely as the number of crimes or length of prison sentence. These indices often give no or little consideration to criminal career parameters and tend to account for only a small portion of the construct of criminal careers. Ideally, a simple metric to measure the onset, duration, termination, severity, and change in severity of a pattern of criminal activities is needed to facilitate the description and measurement of criminal careers of offenders. <p>The Criminal Career Profile (CCP), which uses commonly available criminological information and requires minimal professional skills to execute, can be considered a simple and precise measure of criminal careers. The CCP is a chronological representation on a Cartesian plane of the time in years an offender has spent in prison (y-axis) plotted against the time in years spent out of prison (x-axis) of all incarcerations and time spent in the community. Given that the CCP is a step function, a regression line can be generated. Serious crimes are generally given longer sentences, and more time in than out of prison would generate a steeper regression line. Shallower regression lines result from less time in than out of prison. As such, the CCP regression line can be considered an indication of the seriousness of offending, and the slope or angle of the regression line can be considered a quantitative index of criminal career severity. Larger slopes or angles (used in this Program of Research) suggest more serious criminal careers. Conversely, smaller slopes or angles suggest less serous criminal careers. Taken altogether, the CCP can provide a quantitative measure of criminal careers: its onset (age at first conviction, which is plotted as the first point on a CCP graph), duration (total time in and out of prison since onset), severity (CCP slope/angle), change in severity (change in CCP slope/angle), and termination (end point or when the CCP slope or angle becomes smaller and closer to 0).<p>This Program of Research was done to assess the CCPs validity and utility in measuring offenders criminal career. More specifically, the investigation focused on the seriousness of criminal careers. A number of criteria were used to validate the CCP angles ability to measure criminal career severity. In Study 1, psychopaths and violent recidivists showed a significantly larger CCP angle than nonpsychopaths and violent nonrecidivists, respectively. Finer groupings based on risk (high, medium, and low), a number of risk measures (Psychopathy Checklist Revised, Violence Risk Scale, and Violence Risk Scale Sexual Offender Version), and different types of offenders (i.e. violent, nonviolent, sexual, Dangerous Offenders) were used in Study 2. Two consistent findings across different groups of offenders in Study 2 were CCP angles significantly varied as a function of risk group and correlated with risk ratings. The pattern of results was that larger CCP angles tended to be associated with worse risk groups. In Study 3, both treated offenders and treatment dropouts showed a reduction in CCP angles from pre- to post-treatment. A nonsignificant interaction of group by treatment, however, suggests that post-treatment changes could not be attributed to treatment. Finally, Study 4 showed that CCP angles change with age. Taken altogether, the results of the four studies provided converging evidence for the validity of the CCP as a measure of criminal careers and the CCP angle as a measure of criminal career severity.

This thesis is concerned with the correctional treatment process for sex offenders, and the problems that criminal justice system authority poses for treatment settings. A particular focus is whether inmate participation in treatment programs is voluntary or coerced, given the link between programs and prospects of release. In examining this question, the author considers the results of an empirical project in which a group of inmates were interviewed about their perceptions of the correctional treatment process. Background to this project includes discussion of the doctrine of informed consent and respect for autonomy as its underlying rationale; discussion of the concepts of coercion and voluntariness; and examination of the development of rehabilitative ideals. A conclusion drawn from the discussion is that the presence of coercive authority may impact adversely upon correctional treatment efforts. Coercive authority creates difficulties in relation to the voluntariness of inmates' consent, the confidentiality of the treatment relationship, and the professional autonomy of the clinician. These problems in turn raise questions as to whether correctional programs retain the character of treatment, or are more properly considered as part of punishment, or as tools of social control. However, coercive authority is a necessary presence if correctional services are to work towards the goal of protection of society. The central question to be addressed therefore is whether the prospects of release can be used to motivate inmates for treatment in a way that is consistent with the requirement of voluntary consent to treatment. The results of the empirical project suggest that for the majority of inmates, the link between treatment and release is not coercive. However, a number of inmates did indicate they felt coerced into treatment programs. Reforms may thus be necessary to avoid coercive authority resulting in coerced treatment. In discussing these results, the author considers a number of directions for reform, including the introduction of an operational presumption of coerced referrals to treatment, which would place greater emphasis on clinicians' obligations to secure voluntary consent.

Thesis (M.S.W.)--Smith College School for Social Work, Northampton, Mass., 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 50-53).

This thesis is concerned with the correctional treatment process for sex offenders, and the problems that criminal justice system authority poses for treatment settings. A particular focus is whether inmate participation in treatment programs is voluntary or coerced, given the link between programs and prospects of release. In examining this question, the author considers the results of an empirical project in which a group of inmates were interviewed about their perceptions of the correctional treatment process. Background to this project includes discussion of the doctrine of informed consent and respect for autonomy as its underlying rationale; discussion of the concepts of coercion and voluntariness; and examination of the development of rehabilitative ideals. A conclusion drawn from the discussion is that the presence of coercive authority may impact adversely upon correctional treatment efforts. Coercive authority creates difficulties in relation to the voluntariness of inmates' consent, the confidentiality of the treatment relationship, and the professional autonomy of the clinician. These problems in turn raise questions as to whether correctional programs retain the character of treatment, or are more properly considered as part of punishment, or as tools of social control. However, coercive authority is a necessary presence if correctional services are to work towards the goal of protection of society. The central question to be addressed therefore is whether the prospects of release can be used to motivate inmates for treatment in a way that is consistent with the requirement of voluntary consent to treatment. The results of the empirical project suggest that for the majority of inmates, the link between treatment and release is not coercive. However, a number of inmates did indicate they felt coerced into treatment programs. Reforms may thus be necessary to avoid coercive authority resulting in coerced treatment. In discussing these results, the author considers a number of directions for reform, including the introduction of an operational presumption of coerced referrals to treatment, which would place greater emphasis on clinicians' obligations to secure voluntary consent. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate