O presente trabalho tem como objetivo discutir o pensamento e a ação dos principais grupos políticos na República de Weimar (1918-1933), bem como ambiente político em que se dá a disputa entre estes grupos. Dessa maneira, o trabalho procura classificar o papel desses grupos na disputa política de Weimar dentro das categorias de pensamento Partido da Ordem, Ordem e Revolução. O estudo leva em conta o estabelecimento de um novo cenário político na Europa após o final da I Guerra Mundial, a Conferência de Paz em Paris e a Crise Econômica que abala o continente nesse período. Esse contexto propicia o fortalecimento, na Alemanha, de grupos que se apresentam como alternativas ao modelo liberal e democrático estabelecido pela República de Weimar. De um lado, os que chamaremos de Intérpretes da Ordem representados inicialmente por diversos grupos que, mais tarde, irão se cristalizar no Partido Nacional-Socialista (NSDAP). De outro, os partidários da Revolução representados desde a I Guerra pela Liga Espartaquista que, em 1919, se alinhou à III Internacional Comunista depois de seu frustrado levante revolucionário. Esses grupos opostos ganham tal força no quadro político alemão que seu embate pode ser sido um dos fatores determinantes do fim do pacto originário da República de Weimar. / This paper aims at discussing the political thought and action of the main political groups of the Weimar Republic (1918-1933), and also the political atmosphere in which this groups fight for power. Also this paper targets to classify the role of these groups in the political dispute in the categories of Party of Order, Order and Revolution. The reference of this work is the new political framework of Europe that emerges after the First World War, The Paris Peace Conference and the Economic Crises that collapse the continent. This context benefit the empowerment of the groups that appear as an alternative of liberal and democratic model established during the Weimar Republic. On one hand there is the group that advocates in favor of the Order- at the beginning represented by several groups, but latter it will form the National Socialist Party (NSDAP). On the other hand, there is the group that wants the Revolution- represented, since the First War, by the Spartacus League which has align, in 1919, with the III International after the fail of the revolutionary uprising. Those opposite groups gain a lot of power in the German political arena and their confrontation could be the reason of the end of the pact that has origin the Weimar Republic.

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O objetivo desta pesquisa é examinar o conceito de liberdade no pensamento de Hannah Arendt. Para tanto, inicio este estudo com o ensaio Que é liberdade?. Nele a autora apresenta a liberdade como pertencente ao domínio da política e recusa a noção de liberdade cristã e liberal, isto é, nega a liberdade como livre arbítrio e como área de não interferência. Embora este seja o principal texto da autora sobre o tema, ele não é suficiente para se entender todas as dimensões de seu conceito de liberdade. Nesse sentido, é preciso recorrer a outros textos da autora, como o livro A Condição Humana. Nesta obra, Arendt analisa como o trabalho e as questões econômicas foram valorizados na Modernidade, trazendo sérias dificuldades para o exercício da ação livre. Ainda, em Origens do Totalitarismo, a autora apresenta a radicalidade da experiência totalitária. De acordo com ela, os regimes totalitários contribuíram para reforçar a idéia de que a liberdade não é vivenciada no domínio político. A despeito disso, Arendt afirma a ligação entre ser livre e agir no domínio político analisando a experiência da Democracia Ateniense, da República Romana e das revoluções modernas. Ela escreve Sobre a Revolução para tratar do aparecimento da liberdade na Modernidade e das dificuldades de se fundar e conferir durabilidade a espaços onde a ação livre seja possível. Ao longo da exposição das principais obras da autora, apresento diversas manifestações do conceito de liberdade, assim como as relações entre este conceito, o pensamento político arendtiano e a tradição filosófica. Dessa forma, ao fim da dissertação, retomo tais manifestações e relações para interpretar a concepção de liberdade em Hannah Arendt como um conceito multifacetado. / This research aims at examining the concept of freedom in Hannah Arendts thought. For this reason, I start this study with the essay What is Freedom?. In this text, the author presents freedom as belonging to political domain and refuses the Christian and liberal notion of freedom. That is, she denies freedom as free will or absence of constraints. Even though this is the authors most important text on the subject, it is not enough to understand all the properties of her concept of freedom. Therefore, we have to search for other author´s texts, like the book The Human Condition. In this book, Arendt analyses how work and economic issues were valued in the Modernity, bringing serious trouble to free acting. Yet, in The Origins of Totalitarianism, the author shows the radicalism of the totalitarian experience. According to her, the totalitarian regime contributed to amplify the idea that freedom is not experienced in the political realm. In spite of this, Arendt affirms the connection between freedom and acting in a public scene based in the experiences of the Athenian Democracy, the Roman Republic and the modernity revolutions. She writes On Revolution to treat the freedom´s emergence in the Modernity and to show the hardness of founding and giving durability to the area where the free action is possible. I manifest throughout this dissertation several characteristics of the freedom concept, such as the relationship between this concept and Arendt´s political thought and between it and the philosophical tradition. Therefore, in the end of the text I resume this characteristics and relationship in order to interpret Arendt´s concept of freedom as a multifaceted conception.

En 2011, des mouvements sociaux et révolutionnaires d’une ampleur rare ont agité certains pays du nord de l’Afrique. Cela correspond à ce qu’on a appelé le printemps arabe.Le premier de ces pays touchés par ces mouvements est la Tunisie. Cette thèse porte sur la révolution tunisienne. Elle propose une analyse théorique et empirique de cette révolution.D’un point de vue théorique, ce travail se situe dans le cadre de l’analyse économique. Nous nous situons donc dans le prolongement de la littérature économique qui, à partir des années 1970, s’est intéressée aux mouvements sociaux et plus précisément les révolutions. La théorie économique a offert un autre cadre permettant d’analyser la manière dont l’action d’un petit groupe d’individus peut provoquer des bouleversements de grande envergure. L’un des objets de cette thèse est alors de proposer une synthèse de cette littérature. Nous soulignons que cette thèse revient sur les définitions de la révolution et propose une présentation qui essaye d’être exhaustive des analyses économiques des révolutions. Quatre types de modèles sont définis : la méthode décisionnelle, la théorie des jeux, la méthode d'analyse Tobit et le modèle seuil de mobilisation. Ces modèles ont parvenu à expliquer l’émergence d’un mouvement révolutionnaire mais ne prennent pas en compte la particularité de chaque pays, nous insistons en particulier sur ce point. Il n’en est pas moins vrai que, la littérature théorique sur les révolutions a précisé ce caractère unique pour chaque révolution. Autour de cette spécificité, l’idée centrale de cette thèse a été construite : quelles sont les causes de la révolution tunisienne ? En outre, la contribution principale de cette thèse est d’ordre empirique. Bien que de nombreuses recherches aient analysé de différentes manières les causes des révolutions (Données de panel, modèles économétriques), la méthode d’analyse en composantes principales (ACP) est, à notre connaissance, la première contribution dans l’analyse des révolutions et surtout la première étude de ce type appliquée à la Tunisie. Cette méthode a pu détecter trois ramifications caractérisant le 14 janvier 2011. Trois révolutions d’ordre sociologique et sociétal semblent particulièrement importantes : une révolution démographique, une révolution de l’alphabétisation et une révolution des attentes. Premièrement, la transition démographique et ses implications économiques et sociales. Deuxièmement, les inégalités et l’élargissement de la fracture sociale entre les régions. Troisièmement, la mauvaise gestion du pays suite à l’emprise de l’économie sous Ben Ali et ses conséquences catastrophique sur l’investissement et la création d’emplois. / Revolution, which embodies major turns in the course of history, has for a long time been a social study subject. With the coming of the school of public choice in the 1960's, a new economic current helped to undestand revolution. Many economists such as: James M. Buchanan (1962), Gordon Tullock (1971-1974) and John E. Romer (1985) have applied economic theory to social and political science using tools developed by microeconomy. The goal of my research paper is to highlight the contribution of economic theory in the understanding of revolution. I have first drawn a line between two approaches that have studied revolution: The sociological approach which mainly explains why do people revolt when they are faced with structural imbalances. The economic approach which uses the theory of rational choice to demonstrate how people choose to be passive when they are confronted with a revolution.

Ce travail partira d’abord d’une problématisation de la notion d’histoire universelle dont découlerait un comparatisme lisse et sans histoire lié à une forme d’imagologie schématique qu’il s’agira d’éviter. C’est sur cette base critique que s’élaborera une réflexion générale sur le lien entre histoire littéraire et colonialisme dans le sens également des réflexions de Pierre Halen. Il visera ensuite à une analyse scrupuleuse des textes d’une part tels que pris dans leur tradition esthétique respective (Heiner Müller comme représentant tardif d’une forme de théâtre propre à l’espace occidental, avatar du modèle aristotélicien, Bernard B. Dadié représentant d’une forme de théâtre de type populaire dont le thème majeur est la satire sociale) et donc lus relativement à un échange dialectique avec les conditions matérielles de leur production. On prendra en compte l’héritage dans lequel s’inscrivent ces textes ainsi que les mises en scène des textes. Puis, il visera à une lecture intrinsèque de ces textes où la sémioticité d’une part, la discursivité d’autre part serviront à mettre en évidence non seulement des modèles imagologiques mais encore des croisements possibles entre le discours dramatique et le discours idéologique ou philosophique ambiant mais aussi intrinsèquement à l’œuvre des auteurs, le carrefour reliant ces œuvres à d’autres genres (tels que pour Dadié, le reportage) On recourra aux catégories de Goldmann pour la sémioticité (en conscience de leurs limites) et de Maingueneau, entre autres, pour la discursivité. La question sera de savoir quelle lecture du colonialisme est reprise par les auteurs (lien à l’Aufklärung et au marxisme pour Müller posant la question d’un colonialisme fantasmé ; lien à la Négritude et à l’affranchissement de l’Afrique des nouvelles formes de colonialisme et du néocolonialisme ainsi que d’autres théories plus contemporaines pour Dadié). Le corpus comprendra certes principalement deux pièces de chaque auteur (Der Auftrag: Erinnerung an eine Revolution, Germania Tod in Berlin de Heiner Müller et Béatrice du Congo et Iles de tempête de Bernard B. Dadié), mais ne négligera pas de recourir pour préciser le regard à d’autres textes dramatiques ou théoriques de chacun des auteurs / This work will begin with a problematization of the notion of universal history from which a smooth and historyless comparatism would flow, linked to a form of schematic imagery that should be avoided. It is on this critical basis that a general reflection will be elaborated on the link between literary history and colonialism in the sense also of the reflections of Pierre Halen. It will then aim at a scrupulous analysis of the texts on the one hand as taken in their respective aesthetic traditions (Heiner Müller as a late representative of a theater form in Western space, the avatar of the Aristotelian model, Bernard B. Dadie representing of a form of theater of popular type whose major theme is social satire) and therefore read relatively to a dialectical exchange with the material conditions of their production. We will take into account the legacy of these texts as well as the staging of texts. Then, it will aim at an intrinsic reading of these texts where the semiocity on the one hand and the discursity on the other hand…On the other hand, the Goldman categories are used for semiocity… and Maingueneau’s among others for the discursity. The question will be which reading about colonialism is taken up by the authors ( link to Enlightenment and to Marxism for Müller posing the question of a fantasy colonialism; link to Negritude and Africa’s liberation from colonialism forms and neocolonislism and from other more contemporarary theories as well (for Dadié). The corpus will mainly include two plays belonging to each author (Der Auftrag: Erinnerung an eine Revolution…)… but not neglecting to resort to other dramatic texts pertaining to each author

Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses. / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / 2031-01-02

This dissertation examines how Latin American diplomacy helped shape U.S. officials’ response to revolutionary movements at the height of the Cold War. It explains the striking contrast between U.S. patronage of the Bolivian revolution and the profound antagonism with similar leftist nationalist movements in Cuba and Guatemala. Although U.S. policymakers worried that “Communists” were infiltrating the Bolivian Government, Bolivian diplomats convinced the Eisenhower administration to support their revolution. The dissertation demonstrates that even during the peak of McCarthyism, U.S. policymakers' vision extended far beyond Cold War dogmatism. This vision incorporated a subtle, if ultimately contradictory, appreciation of the power of nationalism, a wish to promote developmental liberalism, and a desire for hemispheric hegemony regardless of strategic and ideological competition with the Soviet Union. U.S. officials were eager to exploit the emerging force of third world nationalism and employ it to strengthen the “inter-American system.” The Bolivian revolutionaries presented their political project as copacetic to Washington’s wider regional goals, and thus managed to secure considerable freedom of movement to continue to pursue a radical revolutionary agenda and statist program of development, financed and enabled by hundreds of millions in U.S. aid dollars.

Frente à Revolução Bolchevique (1917), as vanguardas artísticas soviéticas foram levadas a um processo de revolução da própria ideia de arte, processo esse que gerou debates acirrados e colocou em questão a própria distinção tradicional entre arte e vida. Foi nessa atmosfera revolucionária que as vanguardas construtivistas-produtivistas emergiram. Num segundo momento, diante da crescente censura por parte das forças stalinistas em ascensão, as vanguardas construtivistas-produtivistas se uniram a outros setores de vanguarda, organizando a \"Frente de Esquerda das Arte\" - LEF (1922-1928). A Frente, por meio das revistas Lef (1923-1926) e Novyi Lef (1927-1928), veiculava teorias, produções e debates. Frente à demanda de uma arte a serviço da construção da vida, surgem, sintetizadas na proposta factográfica, a ênfase na fotomontagem, na fotografia, na montagem cinematográfica e na literatura dos fatos. Objetivando identificar o que talvez tenha sido uma das aproximações mais ricas entre fotografia e política, o presente trabalho tem como propósito central investigar, nesse ambiente de práxis revolucionaria, o debate sobre a fotografia. / Facing the Bolshevik Revolution (1917), the Soviet artistic avant-garde movements were taken to a process of revolution of the very idea of art, process that engendered fierce debates and put in question the traditional distinctions between art and life. It was from this revolutionary atmosphere that the constructivist-productivists emerged. Later on, given the increasing censorship by Stalinist forces on the rise, the avant-garde constructivist-productivist joined other sectors of the leading movements organizing the \"Left Front of Art\" - LEF (1922- 1928). The Front propagated theories, productions and debates through the journals of Lef (1923-1926) and Novyi Lef (1927-1928). Facing the demand for a kind of art in service of the construction of a life arises in a summarized factographic proposal the emphasis on the use of photomontage, photography, film editing and literature of the facts. On the perspective of identifying what had been, maybe, one of the richest approaches between photography and politics, the present work has as its central purpose to investigate the debate about photography in this atmosphere of revolutionary praxis.

O tema desta dissertação de mestrado é a controvérsia sobre os direitos civis e políticos das mulheres na França revolucionária , suscitada pela atuação cívica vigorosa das militantes políticas nos seis primeiros anos da Revolução - 1789-1795. Essas mulheres adquiriram uma visibilidade dramática ao participar maciçamente do movimento revolucionário, organizar-se em clubes políticos e exercer na prática alguns dos direitos de cidadania reservados ao sexo masculino. Seus direitos cívicos foram recusados, mas, pela primeira vez o assunto foi debatido e as autoridades tiveram que justificar a exclusão publicamente. O objetivo da pesquisa é estudar como as mulheres do povo conseguiram participar tão ativamente da vida política nacional no período inicial da Revolução e as razões pelas quais foram afastadas da cena pública. Estudarei a questão através das categorias práticas e representações, focalizando a atuação das militantes, e as imagens de mulheres nos espaços públicos e privados. Três grupos femininos emblemáticos serão considerados: as mães republicanas, as militantes políticas e as mulheres-soldados. A militância será analisada em duas vertentes principais: as jornadas revolucionárias começando pela Marcha a Versalhes em 1789 e a atuação de clubes femininos como a Sociedade das Republicanas Revolucionárias. As ativistas foram derrotadas junto com o último levante popular em Prairial do ano III. Razões políticas e culturais explicam porque as mulheres foram mal recebidas na arena política nacional. O capítulo da Iconografia apresenta 37 imagens de alegorias, caricaturas e cenas de acontecimentos da Revolução que ajudam a compreender o comportamento que se esperava das mulheres decentes: a maternidade com a dimensão cívica da educação dos futuros patriotas e a dedicação exclusiva ao lar. A moral republicana exigia que cada um cumprisse o seu papel na família e no corpo político. Era preciso manter a diferenciação das funções dos sexos: as mulheres deviam governar a casa e os homens o país. As militantes queriam ser mulheres livres, armarse, agir com independência , mas a maioria dos homens achava que eram usurpadoras das atribuições masculinas. A iconografia mostra modelos de comportamentos femininos virtuosos: deusas representando a nação porque estavam acima dos conflitos ou mães abnegadas, caridosas e heróicas. As que freqüentavam as tribunas das assembléias se transformavam nas terríveis \"tricoteiras\". As militantes foram toleradas enquanto foram úteis quando fizeram oposição aos jacobinos foram reprimidas em nome dos princípios morais que sustentavam a República. / The subject of this Master\'s thesis is the controversy about civil and political rights of women in revolutionary France, sparked by the vigorous female militancy in the early years of the Revolution 1789-1795. These women became dramatically visible when they massively joined the revolutionary movement, organized in political clubs and exercized some exclusively male citizenship rights. Their political rights of citizenship were denied , but for the first time the issue was debated and government officials had to publicly justify their decision. The objective of this research is to study how working-class women managed to participate so actively in national politics in the initial period of the Revolution and the reasons that led to their being banned from the public scene. I will explore the subject from the perspective of women\'s practices and representations, meaning the militants\' civic actions and women\'s images in the public and private spheres. This paper will focus on three main groups of women: republican mothers, political activists and women soldiers. Their political involvement will be considered from the standpoint of their participation in insurrectionary journées, such as the March to Versailles, and membership in women\'s political clubs, such as the parisian Society of Revolutionary Republicans. The militant citoyennes were defeated in the last popular uprising of Prairial, Year III. Political and cultural factors explain why women\'s intervention in national politics was not welcomed. The chapter on representations discusses a repertoire of 37 alegories , caricatures and revolutionary events that help understand the kind of behaviour expected of decent women: civic motherhood, whose aim was to nurture and educate future patriots and an exclusive devotion to domestic duties. Republican morals required that everyone fulfilled their proper role in the family and in public life. It was necessary to maintain the cultural norms of gender differentiation : women managed the household and men ruled the country. Militants wanted to be \"free women\", that is, bear arms, and act independently , but most men thought that activists were \"stepping out of their sex\" and usurping male roles. The iconography fosters virtuous feminine behaviour: lofty goddesses representing the nation because they stood above conflict; or self-sacrificing, charitable and heroic mothers. The women who regularly attended the Assembly galleries became despicable \"knitters\". Militant women were tolerated while useful but when they became political adversaries, they were repressed in the name of the essential moral principles of the Republic

This thesis investigates the effects of participating in activism on the people who struggle for social change. Using a critical pedagogical framework, the study contributes to the theorisation of 'social movement learning' by drawing distinctions between processes, outcomes and implications of learning, and by developing the concepts '(un)learning'and 'pedagogical adversaries'. The research examines how activists who participate in social and political action develop different perspectives of social change. The conclusions draw on data collected throughout 2014, specifically interviews with, and observations of, UK-based Egyptian activists who engaged in social action during the continuing 25 January revolution between 2011-2014. As activists reflect on their understandings in the context of revolution and counter-revolution, coup d'etat, elections, strikes and various forms of social and political change, they reveal many 'pedagogical entry points'. The findings illustrate that social movements are continuous processes and sites of important, rich and potentially transformative learning because they generate pedagogical moments through which activists can engage with and develop critical perspectives of the way the world is and should be. Analysis of social movement learning as (un)learning exposes the cumulative and continuing nature of learning and unlearning, and generates important insights into how social movements challenge established 'knowledge' and 'truths' to create progressive alternatives. Drawing on critical and radical theories of social change, the thesis demonstrates the importance of continuing to question conceptualisations of social change and of a political imagination that understands the pedagogical potential of disjuncture and challenge.