La Flandre est souvent présentée comme un espace doté d’une importante spécificité et par là d’une identité régionale forte voire irréductible à des appartenances nationales ou européennes plus amples. Pourtant, les opinions n’ont cessé de varier sur ce que sont les Flandres et sur les critères qui définiraient cette identité. Le statut de régionfrontière soumise à des délimitations et des souverainetés fluctuantes selon les guerres et les traités renforce la complexité de ce territoire. Ceci est particulièrement vrai de la période qui va des traités des limites franco-autrichiens de 1769 et 1779 à la fin du Premier Empire en 1815 et au traité de Courtrai de 1820 : rectifications, révolutions, guerres, annexions, départementalisation remodèlent sans cesse les configurations flamandes. Comment une telle recomposition permanente a-t-elle pu interagir avec les identités prétendument fortes de ces populations frontalières ? L’observation de leurs pratiques familiales, sociales, économiques, militaires, religieuses ou encore linguistiques, en France comme dans les « provinces belgiques », tend en fait à montrer la compatibilité entre différentes références locales, provinciales, nationales, internationales, qui créent alors des identités plurielles. Le constat de la malléabilité des pratiques et des appartenances conduit à la déconstruction d’une identité flamande, largement fabriquée a posteriori, encore en gestation durant la période qui nous occupe et pleinement développée dans la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle. L’historicisation de ce processus identitaire invite à considérer avec précaution les démarches qui prétendent figer les appartenances et les frontières quelle qu’elles soient. / Flanders is often portrayed as an area with an important specificity and therefore with a regional identity that is strong, if not irreducible to any sense of belonging to a wider national or European community. However, general public opinion has always varied on the question of what is Flanders and on the criteria that could define its identity. The complexity of the territory was increased by the status of border region whose delimitation and sovereignty were subject to fluctuations due to wars and treaties. This applies particularly to the period concerned i.e. from the Franco-Austrian border treaties in 1769 and in 1779 to the end of the First French Empire in 1815 and the Treaty of Kortrijk in 1820: corrections, revolutions, wars, annexations and departmentalisation shaped and reshaped the Flemish territory. How could this permanent reshaping interact with the allegedly strong identities of the border populations? The observing of the family, social, economic, military, religious or even linguistic practices tends to show the compatibility between different local, provincial, national and international references that create plural identities, in France as well as in the Belgian provinces. The plasticity of these practices and affiliations leads us to deconstruct the Flemish identity that was essentially built afterwards, while it was still in development during the study period and not fully developed before the second half of the 19th century. Thus the measures that claim to permanently establish any identity or boundary, whatever or wherever they may be, should be considered carefully, by historicising the process of identity building.

This paper analyzes contemporary foreign relations of Egypt. In the first part of the thesis theoretical basis of the Tahrir revolution is discussed. The second part analyzes the impact of this event on the foreign policy position of Egypt in international relations on the example of relations with the United States, the European Union, including a separate analysis of the Egyptian-Czech relations, and the countries of the Gulf and the Middle East. Although two groups of actors changed representing the ruling elite - the military, the Islamists and the army again, both of them eventually apply the same approaches in the context of the foreign policy. This approach is characterized by particularly strong ties to the country's traditional partners, especially the U.S. and the rich Gulf states.

Orientador: Ligia Maria Osorio Silva / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-07T23:11:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Santos_RenataBelzuncesdos_M.pdf: 1023583 bytes, checksum: 331897bc1c1098af6c43c44aa2fb6b65 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: O presente trabalho assume como tema a Assessoria Econômica do Segundo Governo Vargas e tem como objetivo contribuir para a interpretação do segundo período em que Vargas esteve na chefia máxima do país. Dentre as questões levantadas pela historiografia do período detivemo-nos sobretudo na questão do projeto para a nação presente nesse período através da figura de Vargas. A primeira parte do trabalho dedica-se à reconstrução da constituição da Assessoria Econômica e seu funcionamento dentro do aparelho de Estado. A segunda parte analisa a historiografia do período e busca localizar a Assessoria Econômica em meio às diversas interpretações existentes. A terceira parte analisa os principais projetos elaborados pela Assessoria Econômica: Petrobrás e Eletrobrás, e identifica nos mesmo elementos do projeto de Vargas para o capitalismo no Brasil. / Abstract: The present work focuses on the Economic Advisory during the second presidency of Getulio Vargas, and it aims at contributing to the interpretation of the second time Vargas held the highest office in the country. Among the issues raises by the historiography of the period, this work is centered on the nation-building aspects of Vargas¿ administration. The first part deals with the reconstitution of the Economic Advisory and its role in the State apparatus. The second part analyses the available historiography and how the Advisory emerges from different interpretations. The third part analyses the main projects elaborated by the Advisory (Petrobras and Eletrobras), identifying within them the core elements of Vargas¿s project for capitalism in Brazil / Mestrado / Historia Economica / Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

This master's thesis seeks to dispel the myth that nineteenth century painter Paul Delaroche's art was either apolitical or politically conservative. Through an examination of Delaroche's portraits of the late Napoleon I in conjunction with contemporary napoleonic prints, one finds that Delaroche was, indeed, deeply involved with contemporary politics. A close examination of his portraits shows that this involvement manifested itself in support for both the Cult of Napoleon and for the Bonapartist party.

This thesis examines two crises that occurred in Philadelphia in the middle of the 1790s: the arrival of refugees from the revolution in the French West Indian colony of Saint-Domingue and the outbreak of yellow fever the followed their arrival. These crises are studied together in order to understand the challenges that they posed to the post-Revolutionary culture of sensibility and to the sympathetic construction of social order that drew upon this culture. Philadelphians’ post-Revolutionary sentimental project – the reorganization of society along lines of fellow-feeling, benevolence, and emotional parity – was strained by the arrival of refugees from Saint-Domingue and by the outbreak of epidemic disease. Both of these events were opportunities to actuate sympathetic ideologies, and in both cases, action fell short of rhetoric. This thesis examines why this was the case. Central to Philadelphians’ ambivalence in creating sympathetic social bonds was the presence of people of color – American and foreign – in the city. When asked to extend fellow-feeling to black Philadelphians and black Saint-Domingan refugees, white Philadelphians equivocated. The reorganization of society in the post-Revolutionary period had presumed emotional equality among Americans, but the issue of race repeatedly demonstrated weaknesses in the application of this ideology. The crises examined within this work demonstrate the enduring appeal of sensibility in 1790s Philadelphia. They also demonstrate its weaknesses. As more and more groups use the language of sympathy and benevolence to voice their demands, sensibility faltered. This thesis builds upon a growing scholarship that examines the effect of the Haitian Revolution on the United States to argue that the arrival of refugees from that revolution to Philadelphia highlighted fundamental ambivalences and fault lines in the United States’ post-Revolutionary sentimental project.

As early as Tacitus, Livian scholarship has struggled to resolve the "Livian paradox," the conflict between Livy's support of the Roman Republic and his overt approval of Augustus, who brought about the end of the Republic. This paper addresses the paradox by attempting to place Livy's writings within their proper historical and literary context. An examination of Augustus' position during the early years of Livy's writing shows that the princeps cloaked his power within the precedent of Republican autocracy, in which imperium could be unlimited in power so long as it was limited by time. As a result, although Augustus' rule would ultimately prove the end of Rome's republic, nevertheless during Livy's early writings Augustus' reign and the Republic were not antithetical. Livy's preface and early exempla further demonstrate that Livy's writings, while condemnatory of his contemporary Rome, blame Rome's decline on the character of the Roman people rather than a corruption of the Republic's political forms. In his preface Livy blames vitia, not ambitio for the universal destruction of the civil wars, while his exempla from the monarchic period and beyond show praise or condemnation of individuals for their actions, not their political offices. Livy praises most of Rome's monarchs for their individual character and their establishment of mores, while also portraying the early Romans' defense of libertas as injuriously overzealous. Ultimately, Augustus' attempts to legislate conservative, "traditional" morality made him a contemporary exemplum of Livy's ancient mores. Thus, the Livian paradox is answered by understanding that Augustus and the Republic were not antithetical, Livy was not concerned with political forms but morality, and Augustus' morality aligned with that championed by Livy.

Cette thèse s’intéresse à la fabrique des routes marchandes mondialisées en Tunisie, à partir de l’étude des approvisionnements des marchés du commerce dit « parallèle », installés aux débouchés de routes transnationales d’échange de biens banals. Elle explore d’abord le postulat d’une organisation réticulaire et labile de l’économie marchande transnationale en Tunisie. Ce réseau articule des places marchandes, notamment celles situées au centre de Tunis et à Ben Gardane, qui forment des nœuds d’échange nés de processus locaux et territorialisés. Partir de ces lieux permet de mettre en évidence les trajectoires professionnelles des commerçants, modestes à l’origine, et de démontrer comment ces derniers sont parvenus à développer leurs relations d’affaires. La thèse met ainsi à jour un réseau de marchés qui structure l’importation transnationale dans le pays, via ses ports et ses régions frontalières. La thèse examine ensuite les effets de la révolution tunisienne sur ce réseau de marchés, en particulier au niveau des dispositifs de contournement des barrières douanières que les flux de marchandises empruntent. Le changement politique survenu en 2011 agit comme un révélateur des implications du régime de l’ancien président Ben Ali dans une économie marchande pourtant présentée comme « parallèle ». Plus encore, sous l’effet de l’effondrement du régime, les relations marchandes, les activités, et les itinéraires empruntés se recomposent, montrant ainsi que le « commerce parallèle » est devenu un enjeu de gouvernance dans la Tunisie en transition. Enfin, la thèse entreprend une réflexion sur l’analyse formelle de ces réseaux. L’enjeu est alors de poser les jalons d’une géographie des réseaux sociaux et spatiaux, à travers la prise en compte des relations sociales des acteurs dans la structuration des relations commerciales, et l’identification et l’analyse de réseaux de marchés. / This thesis focuses on the making of globalized trade routes in Tunisia, based on the study of the supply of marketplaces that are specialized in the so-called “parallel trade”. These marketplaces are located at the end of transnational trade routes which import everyday consumer products in the country. First, it proceeds on the basis that transnational trade economy in Tunisia is organized as a labile network. This network articulates marketplaces, including those located in Central Tunis and in Ben Gardane, two trading hubs that have emerged from local and territorialized processes. Starting from these places makes it possible to highlight the professional trajectories of their tradesmen, and to demonstrate how the latter have developed their business relationships. The thesis thus reveals a network of marketplaces that shapes transnational import into the country, through Tunisian ports and border regions. The thesis then examines the effects of the Tunisian Revolution on this markets network, more closely at the level of customs barrier bypass devices used by the flow of goods. The political change in 2011 thus reveals the participation of former President Ben Ali’s regime in trade economy, yet presented as informal economy. Moreover, with the regime’s collapse, trade relationships, commercial activities and trade routes have been reshaped, thereby pointing out that "parallel trade" has become a governance issue in Tunisia during the period of democratic transition. Finally, the thesis considers the formal analysis of these networks. It thus aims to lay the foundations for a geography of social and spatial networks by taking into account, on the one hand, the actors’ social relationships and their role into the organization of commercial relations, and on the other hand, the identification and analysis of marketplaces networks.

The 1924-1927 United Front period has long been understood within a civil war context. The major revolutionaries of ethnic Han origins and the myriad of Comintern advisors that played significant roles have subsequently all been evaluated in those terms. My work decenters the civil war narrative in order to dislodge the rigid labels that have historically accompanied the identities of the Guomindang and the Chinese Communist Party. When re-evaluating the activities of the First United Front as a loosely defined tactical alliance, the White Terror -perpetrated by the GMD onto Communists and their affiliated members – then becomes a moment of permanent dichotomization of Communist and Nationalists groups. Analyzing the activities of the First United Front without rigid Communist and Nationalists labels, aids in clarifying the organizations actions. Moreover, when viewing these activities within the broader context of a global anti-colonial movement, the shared goals of the tactical alliance become more comparable to many of the ideological tenets driving self-determination in the twentieth century.

This MA thesis analyzes socio-political development on the islands of Trinidad and Tobago throughout the twentieth century. The structure divides the thesis into three chapters. The first one shortly introduces historical development on Trinidad and Tobago before the year 1900. Such knowledge is elementary for understanding of the development in the twentieth century therefore I consider it necessary to devote a part of my thesis to this problem. Subsequent chapter describes first decades of the twentieth century when the leader canobserve gradual liberation of political constrains imposed by the United Kingdom Great Britain and Northern Ireland benefiting African and Indian inhabitants of Trinidad. This chapter is finished with the year 1958 when both islands entered West Indian Federation. The second chapter is finally fully aimed at both islands already freed from the British Empire and at the difficult period of culmination of disputes between African and Indian descendants. The escalation in 1970 resulted in the so called Black Power revolution. The end of this chapter represents the year 1981 when Eric Williams, a liberator of the islands, died. Finally, the third chapter follows a search for a new leader after the death of Eric Williams until the nineteen nineties when leading political positions...

In the Middle East region, Iran and Turkey are influential powers, and both countries have relatively stable regimes in the Middle East countries. The two countries have chosen different paths after their political transformation. After reviewing the political practice of the two countries, due to different political environments, the two armies and religions have played prominent but different roles. After the Islamic revolution in Iran, the army was the protector of the regime, while religion played a leading role. After Kemal Ataturk established power, Turkey took a completely secularized road. The Turkish army was the defender of the secularized path independent of the government in the Turkish regime, while Islamic religion tried to exert influence as a political party. In addition, the article discusses whether it is based on complete secularization or is derived from Islamic religious tradition, which is a feasible way to modernize Islamic countries. At present, since Islam still has considerable influence, only by adapting Islam to the needs of modern society and making modernization the internal needs of Islam can Islamic countries be successfully modernized.