Trata-se, nesta tese, de analisar o conceito de república de Condorcet. Para mostrar como este conceito é construído, procuramos identificar, em primeiro lugar, a questão da origem das primeiras repúblicas no Esboço de um quadro histórico dos progressos do espírito humano para entendermos como o filósofo examinou o conceito de república na perspectiva do progresso e da perfectibilidade dos homens. Para construir o conceito, o filósofo analisou as questões relativas à liberdade e à igualdade, no que diz respeito aos direitos naturais, civis e políticos dos homens. Discutiremos sobre o equilíbrio entre a liberdade e a igualdade e sua importância para a construção da república em Condorcet. Abordaremos a importância das Declarações dos direitos do homem e do cidadão na constituição da república, visto que muitos revolucionários, dentre eles o próprio Condorcet, afirmavam que uma constituição de uma nação só seria racional, legítima e aceitável se seguisse os princípios da Declaração dos direitos do homem e do cidadão, anteriormente aprovada. E, por fim analisamos o papel dos legisladores na república moderna, visto que essas repúblicas seriam eminentemente representativas. O conceito de república em Condorcet é assim traçado nas tramas da sua ação política. / In this thesis, we aim to analyze the concept of republic in Condorcet. In order to show how theorists built this concept, we sought to identify, first, the question of the origin of the first republics at Sketch for a Historical Picture of the Progress of the Human Spirit to understand how the philosopher examined the concept of republic in view of progress and human perfectibility. In order to build the concept, the philosopher examined the issues relating to liberty and equality, concerning to the natural, civil and political rights of men. We will discuss the balance between liberty and equality, and its importance for the construction of the republic in Condorcet. We will also discuss the importance of the Declarations of the rights of man and citizen for the constitution of the republic, as many revolutionaries, including Condorcet himself, argued that a constitution of a nation would only be rational, legitimate and acceptable if it follows the principles of the Declaration of the rights of man and citizen, previously approved. Finally, we analyze the role of legislators at modern republic, since these republics would be eminently representatives. The concept of republic in Condorcet is thus traced in the plots of their political action.

Les Républiques soeurs, sont les républiques créées, aux Pays-Bas, en Italie, et en Suisse, pendant la Révolution, grâce à l'intervention militaire française et dont la constitution s'inspire fortement de celle du Directoire. Parmi ces dix constitutions datées de 1796 à 1799, certaines ont été simplement octroyées par la France, d'autres ont été adoptées plus librement. A ce moment où les puissances européennes font face à l'expansion de la Grande nation, celle-ci veut être entourée de républiques faites à son image, alliées, et même dociles, afin de se constituer un glacis protecteur. Ces constitutions sont donc établies grâce à la force des armes françaises, mais elles sont censées réaliser la liberté des peuples révolutionnés. Ces derniers, libérés d'une tutelle étrangère, ou d'un système inégalitaire, doivent connaître une émancipation à travers l'idéal républicain exprimé dans les constitutions. Or, la Constitution de l'an III, qui leur a servi de modèle, est elle-même la traduction d'un dilemme. Les Thermidoriens veulent clore l'épisode jacobin, tout en maintenant les acquis républicains. Les Républiques soeurs sont ainsi souvent décrites comme le lieu des expérimentations constitutionnelles qui ne peuvent être menées en France. Il s'agit donc, à travers une analyse constitutionnelle, de comparer les traductions de l'idéal républicain dans ces textes, et d'en montrer les différences par rapport au modèle français de 1795, afin de mesurer leur possibilité d'adaptation. Cette recherche des originalités des Constitutions des Républiques soeurs devant l'apport de l'idéal républicain, nécessite de passer par les thèmes qui constituent cet idéal, à savoir ceux de l'égalité, des droits, des libertés, de la garantie des droits, de la citoyenneté, de la souveraineté, de la représentation, et de la séparation des pouvoirs. / The Sister Republics were created in Italy, Switzerland and the Netherlands through military intervention, during the French Revolution, and their constitutions are very much alike that of the Directoire. Of these ten Constitutions, adopted between 1796 and 1799, some were simply granted by France while others were passed on a more autonomous basis.At a time when the European powers were unable to contain the expansion of the Great nation, the latter wanted to surround itself with Republics built in its image, allied, even docile so as to surround itself in a protective glacis. These Constitutions were, thus, set up thanks to the French army's action, although they were meant to enforce the freedom of these revolutionized peoples. Freed from foreign dominion or from a non-equalitarian regime, they would experience emancipation through the republican ideal expressed in their constitutions. However, the Constitution de l'an III, upon which they were designed, was itself the expression of a dilemma. Thermidorians wanted to put an end to the Jacobin episode, while maintaining the gains of the republican regime. The Sister Republics are, hence, often described as the place of the constitutional experiments which could not be done in France. It is then question, through constitutional analysis, to compare the various translations of the republican ideal found in those texts, and to show the differences between them and the French model of 1795, so as to find out how adaptable they are. This investigation into the originality of the Constitutions of the Sister Republics in front of the republican ideal, will deal with the themes which are constitutive of this idea : equality, rights, liberties, protection of rights, citizenship, sovereignty, political representation and separation of powers.

Au Mexique, comme en Amérique latine, le cycle contestataire des années 1960-1970 a consacré la figure de « l’étudiant révolutionnaire ». À l’inverse, « l’étudiant en situation révolutionnaire » n’a fait l’objet que de bien peu d’analyses. La Révolution mexicaine, des années 1910 au début des années 1940, vit pourtant l’éclosion d’un puissant mouvement étudiant, organisé et représentatif, inséré dans les relations internationales, semblable en apparence à ses homologues européens ou latino-américains. Toutefois, à la différence de ces derniers, le mouvement étudiant mexicain se conçut et se forma en relation étroite avec un phénomène majeur : la Révolution. Durant cette période, les étudiants s’organisèrent au nom de la Révolution, la critiquèrent, la défendirent et la propagèrent, par leurs voyages, leurs congrès et leurs organisations, au Mexique et dans l’espace ibéro-américain. Ils formulèrent dans le même temps une vision révolutionnaire de la réforme des universités et des écoles, insistant sur l’éducation populaire et sur la politisation des savoirs. Animés par une vision racialiste du monde social, ces étudiants se mobilisèrent aussi au nom de la « race ibéro-américaine », à laquelle la patrie mexicaine appartenait. La révolution fut pour eux autant un phénomène de régénération raciale qu’une expérience politique inspirée de modèles européens parfois contradictoires, tels que le nationalisme, le socialisme, le coopérativisme ou le catholicisme social. La radicalisation de la révolution, durant les années 1930, contribua toutefois à diviser grandement le mouvement étudiant. Son étiolement correspondit à la fin de la Révolution. / In Mexico, as in Latin America, the “revolutionary student” appears as a classical figure of the 1960-1970 protest cycle and has been largely analyzed by historians. On the contrary, very few studies have been dedicated to students “in revolutionary context”. As a matter of fact, a powerful student movement, organized and representative, active in international student relations, emerged during the Mexican Revolution, between the 1910s and the 1940s. Apparently similar to its European or Latin American counterparts, this first Mexican student movement was however built and shaped by its leaders in close relation with a major phenomenon: the Revolution. During this period, Mexican students organized themselves in the name of the Revolution. They largely defended the revolutionary principles, but also started to criticize more and more the revolutionary governments. Through their international organizations and congresses, they also contributed to the transnational circulation of the Mexican Revolution in Ibero America. Actors of a “revolution by education”, Mexican student leaders succeeded in defending a “University Reform” that was at first compatible with the revolutionary ideals. Education could help to form the soul of Mexico and of the “Ibero American Race”. In their view, the Mexican Revolution was both a racial regeneration and a political experience, inspired by European models such as nationalism, socialism, cooperativism or social catholicism.

Jesús Díaz est un auteur cubain dont le parcours de vie et la production littéraire sont intimement liés à la révolution et à la manière dont celle-ci a infléchi la société et induit des changements dans la perception de l’identité nationale. Ses premiers textes rendent compte de son adhésion sans failles au processus révolutionnaire, alors que ses six romans sont le reflet de ses doutes et du désenchantement. On peut les lire comme le journal d’une désillusion, le constat amer d’une identité écartelée. L’avènement de l’Homme Nouveau n’aura pas lieu et les personnages des trois premiers romans de Díaz verront s’effondrer leurs certitudes, leurs convictions et les croyances sur lesquelles ils avaient bâti leurs espoirs. Ceux des trois romans suivants vont au-delà de l’adieu à la Révolution ; ils doivent se réconcilier avec l’absurdité de l’existence et les contraintes de l’Histoire pour redonner un sens à leur vie.Tous les grands sujets liés à l’identité sont présents dans l’oeuvre romanesque de Jesús Díaz, que ce soit la question raciale, l’insularité, la question de l’identité par rapport à l’altérité et le lien controversé mais indéfectible entre les Cubains de l’intérieur et ceux de l’exil, la question de l’articulation entre identité individuelle et collective ou encore les concepts de cubanía et cubanidad. Ainsi, les six romans de Jesús Díaz forment une oeuvre dont l’unité ne dépend pas de la continuité narrative ni de la récurrence de personnages ou de lieux. L’ensemble constitue cependant un tout cohérent qui permet la redéfinition du concept de cubanité comme un processus constamment remis en cause par les aléas de l’Histoire et du contexte mondial. / Jesus Diaz is a Cuban author where by the course of his life and his literary production are intimately linked to the revolution and the manner of which it influenced the society and induced changes to the perception of the national identity. His first texts tell of his unwavering adherence to the revolutionary process, his six novels on the other hand, reflec this doubts and disenchantment. They can be read like the diary of a disillusion, the bitter acknowledgment of a torn apart identity. Succession of a New Man will not happen and the characters of Diaz's first three novels, will see the collapse of their certitudes, convictions and beliefs on which they had built their hopes. Those of the three following novels go beyond the farewell of the revolution. They must reconciliate with the absurdity of existence and restraints of history to give a new sense to their life. All the major subjects linked to identity are present in Diaz's work, whether it is a racial question, the insularity, the identity question with regards to the otherness and the controversial and the indestructible link between domestic Cubans and those in exile, the articulation question between the individual and collective identity, the notions of cubanía and cubanidad.Therefore, Jesús Díaz's six novels compose of a work whereby each unit is neither dependent on the narrative continuity nor the recurrence of the characters nor the places. Together they constitute nevertheless a coherence which allow the redefining of the cubanity concept like a process being constantly questioned by the unknown historical factors and the global context.

No description available.

A Indústria 4.0 surge com o objetivo de desenvolver fábricas inteligentes, com alto grau de autonomia e flexibilidade, através da adoção de tecnologias digitais de forma integrada nas empresas e suas cadeias de valor. Ao mesmo tempo, a Indústria 4.0 promove benefícios que vão além da performance operacional, como o desenvolvimento de novas ofertas e novos modelos de negócios para as empresas. A Indústria 4.0 é originada na Alemanha, país com alta performance tecnológica, e rapidamente inspira outras iniciativas no mundo inteiro, inclusive em países emergentes como o Brasil. Estes países possuem maiores barreiras para a adoção das tecnologias relacionadas ao conceito, principalmente devido à atual situação tecnológica dos seus parques industriais. Embora a Indústria 4.0 seja um tema crescente na literatura, ainda existem grandes lacunas de estudo sobre a adoção de tecnologias relacionadas ao conceito no contexto de países emergentes, principalmente por se tratar de uma iniciativa recente. Logo, o objetivo desta dissertação é estudar o conceito da Indústria 4.0 no Brasil, de forma a entender quais são os benefícios do conceito para a performance industrial e as tecnologias habilitadoras. O trabalho tem uma abordagem quantitativa, com análises estatísticas aplicadas em dados de pesquisas surveys conduzidas em nível nacional. Os principais resultados obtidos foram: (i) identificação da relação entre as tecnologias e os benefícios esperados do conceito, (ii) identificação de disparidades entre a percepção industrial brasileira e a literatura sobre os benefícios da Indústria 4.0, (iii) identificação da abrangência do conceito da Indústria 4.0, compreendendo elementos que transcendem a manufatura avançada, e (iv) identificação de tecnologias habilitadoras para a implantação do conceito. Sob a perspectiva acadêmica, esta dissertação traz importantes contribuições para o entendimento do conceito e das tecnologias da Indústria 4.0, assim como o impacto destas na performance industrial. Do ponto de vista prático, os resultados auxiliam na compreensão de um tema de alta relevância empresarial, contribuindo com perspectivas para a diretriz estratégica das empresas à Indústria 4.0. / Industry 4.0 arises with the goal to develop smart factories, with advanced autonomy and flexibility, through the adoption of digital technologies in an integrated manner in companies and in their value chains. The Industry 4.0enables benefits beyond operational performance, as the development of new offerings and new business models for companies. Industry 4.0 was developed in Germany, a country with high technological performance, and quickly inspires other initiatives in the whole world, in developed and emergent countries such as Brazil. These countries face major barriers for the adoption of technologies related to the concept, mainly due to the current technological level of their industrial sites. Even though Industry 4.0 is a growing field in literature, there are still considerable gaps of studies about the adoption of technologies related to the concept in the context of emergent countries, mostly due to its novelty. Therefore, this dissertation aims to study the concept of Industry 4.0 in Brazil, in order to understand its benefits for industrial performance and its enabling technologies. This study has a quantitative approach, with statistical analysis of data from national surveys. The main outcomes obtained were: (i) the identification of a relation between technologies and the expected benefits of the concept, (ii) the identification of disparities between Brazilian industrial perception and the literature about Industry 4.0 benefits, (iii) the identification of a wide scope of Industry 4.0 concept, comprising elements that transcends smart manufacturing, and (iv) the identification of enabling technologies for the implementation of the concept. Under academic perspective, this dissertation brings important contributions to understand the Industry 4.0 concept and technologies, and its impact on industrial performance. As practical contributions, the results contribute for the understandings of a high relevant theme for companies, contributing with perspectives for their strategical orientation towards Industry 4.0.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo estudar as leis relativas à propriedade fundiária votadas sob a República jacobina (2 de junho de 1793 - 27 de julho de 1794). Durante o período em que estiveram no poder, os jacobinos promoveram uma reforma do instituto da propriedade que levaria, por um lado, a uma reconstrução da propriedade individual tal como ela era concebida pelo direito romano e, por outro, a um esforço de democratização do acesso à terra e de reforço da pequena propriedade camponesa. O objetivo desta dissertação é o de relacionar o conjunto da legislação produzida no período com o modelo social pregado por Robespierre e seus seguidores, um ideal que parecia apontar para uma sociedade de pequenos produtores independentes. / The aim of the present work is to study the laws concerning territorial property that were voted under the Jacobin Republic (june 2nd, 1793 - july 27, 1794). During the time they were in power, the jacobins promoted a legal reform of property that would lead, on the one hand, to a reconstruction of individual property as it was conceived by ancient Roman law and, on the other hand, to an effort of democratization of land access and strengthening of small peasant property. This dissertation\'s main objective is to establish a link between the legislation produced during that period and the social model preached by Robespierre and his followers, an ideal that seemed to point to a society of small independent producers.

Esta dissertação visa realizar uma revisão historiográfica da obra Considerações sobre a França (1797), de Joseph de Maistre, que representa um dos primeiros ensaios de interpretação histórica do fenômeno revolucionário em língua francesa e do ponto de vista da contra-revolução. Neste ínterim, pretendemos oferecer uma visão de conjunto do uso que a historiografia da Revolução Francesa fez das Considerações de Maistre. Simultaneamente, empreendemos uma síntese biográfica-intelectual do saboiano, com o objetivo de sublinhar a complexa natureza de sua reação à Revolução e ao Iluminismo reação esta caracterizada por uma excêntrica interação entre jesuitismo, iluminismo e filosofia das Luzes. Por fim, apresentamos ao público uma tradução dessa obra, ainda inédita em língua portuguesa. / The purpose of this study is to present a historical revision of Joseph de Maistres Considérations sur la France (1797), which represents a pioneering attempt of historical interpretation of the revolutionary phaenomenon in French language and from the point of view of the counter-revolution. In doing so, we intend to offer a panoramic view of the use made of Joseph de Maistres most famous pamphlet in the historiography of the French Revolution. It also provides a brief intellectual biography of the savoyard which tries to underline the complexity of the Maistrean reaction to the Enlightenment and the Revolution - marked by an eccentric interaction with certain currents of jesuitism, iluminism and the Enlightenment. Last but not least, we present a translation of the pamphlet, heretofore neglected in Portuguese.

A Revolução Islâmica pode ser entendida como um marco histórico, tendo em vista seu aspecto religioso e a mudança de paradigmas que trouxe para o estudo das Ciências. Seja no aspecto político, econômico ou social, a implantação da República Islâmica do Irã provocou uma mudança nas relações internas e também externas refletidas no sistema internacional. Esse estudo procura desenvolver um aspecto da Revolução Iraniana que muitas vezes não é tratado pelos especialistas, qual seja, a real viabilidade de a revolução expandir-se para outros países muçulmanos. Muitas vezes essa possibilidade é apresentada como uma meta política norteadora do governo iraniano, no entanto, sem que sejam analisadas as reais possibilidades para que se concretize. Nesse sentido, o objeto principal desse trabalho é apresentar a gradual ampliação da importância que os ulemás alcançaram na vida política iraniana a partir do final do século XIX e que desencadeou a Revolução (1978-79). Para que esse processo se tornasse viável, além das condições políticas propícias, foi necessário que os ulemás se apropriassem ainda mais da linguagem religiosa e a transformasse em instrumento político para mudar o status da população xiita, ou seja, de resignada para ativa. Ainda, além da alteração nessa postura dos ulemás frente à dominação do xá, houve a necessidade de que uma liderança desencadeasse o processo contestatório que levaria ao final da monarquia. Para tanto, a liderança do aiatolá Khomeini foi imprescindível e, ainda mais, o desenvolvimento da teoria do wilayat al-faqih, que nortearia a estrutura política do governo no pós-revolução. Contudo, mesmo diante de um panorama político que convergiu para a ocorrência da Revolução, esse estudo defende a tese de que a doutrina usulita abriu a possibilidade para a ijtihad e essa liberalidade foi muito bem utilizada pelo aiatolá Khomeini ao criar discursos políticos impregnados de elementos religiosos. Como resultado de seus discursos em Najaf (1970), surgiu o wilayat al-faqih. No entanto, o mesmo pragmatismo que possibilitou o entendimento particularizado da situação política iraniana e desencadeou a Revolução, hoje se apresenta como um impeditivo para sua expansão, tendo em vista que o atual Líder Supremo iraniano não goza do mesmo prestígio que o carismático Khomeini, tampouco os aiatolás iranianos têm interesse em delegar completamente suas prerrogativas religiosas a ele. Assim, quando essa pesquisa buscou entrevistar os atuais aiatolás que fazem parte do bloco governamental, intencionava mostrar que o wilayat al-faqih continua sendo o estabilizador da revolução, mas não tem condições para se tornar um modelo que agregaria outros estados, uma vez que, além do nacionalismo enraizado nos demais grupos xiitas do Oriente Médio, a ausência de uma liderança carismática faz com que o pragmatismo dos aiatolás impere. Com isso, mesmo que a intenção de Khomeini fosse utilizar o wilayat al-faqih para expandir a revolução, com sua morte houve o sepultamento dessa via. / The Islamic Revolution can be understood as a historical landmark in view of its religious aspect and the paradigm shift it brought to the study of Sciences. Be it on the political, economic, or social aspects, the implantation of the Islamic Republic of Iran triggered a turn in both internal and external relations reflected in the international system. This study aims to develop an aspect of the Iranian Revolution which is often not treated by specialists, that is, the actual viability of the revolution to expand itself to other Muslim countries. Frequently this possibility is presented as a guiding political goal for the Iranian government, however, without being analyzed the real possibilities for it to be realized. In this sense, the main object of this work is to present the gradual enlargement of importance that the ulama achieved in the Iranian political life starting from the end of the nineteenth century and which set off the Revolution (1978-79). For this process to become viable, in addition to the propitious political conditions, it was necessary for the ulama to appropriate even further the religious language and change it into political instrument to transform the status of the Shia population, namely from resigned to active. Yet, besides the alteration of the ulamas posture in face of the Shahs domination, there was a need for a leadership to trigger the contestatory process which would lead to the end of the monarchy. To this end, the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini was indispensable and, even more, the development of the wilayat al-faqih theory, which would guide the political structure of the government at the post-revolution period. However, even though confronted with a political overview that converged to the occurrence of the Revolution, this study defends the thesis that the Usulis doctrine opened the possibility for the ijtihad, and this liberality was very well used by Ayatollah Khomeini by creating political discourses impregnated with religious elements. As a result of his discourses in Najaf (1970) the wilayat al-faqih came to existence. Nonetheless, the very same pragmatism that allowed the particularized understanding of the Iranian political situation and which triggered the Revolution presents itself today as a hindrance for its expansion, taking into account that the current Iranian Supreme Leader does not enjoy the same prestige such as the charismatic Khomeini, neither do the Iranian Ayatollahs have interest in delegating completely their religious prerogatives to him. Hence, when this research sought to interview the current Ayatollahs that are part of the governmental bloc, it purposed to show that the wilayat al-faqih is still the revolutions stabilizer, but has no condition to become a model which could aggregate other states, since that, beyond the nationalism rooted in the other Shia groups in the Middle East, the absence of a charismatic leadership causes the Ayatollahs pragmatism to prevail. With this, even if Khomeinis intention was to use the wilayat al-faqih to expand the revolution, with his death followed the burial of this idea.

El presente trabajo propone un análisis de los diarios de Rodolfo Walsh escritos entre 1957 y 1976. Estas anotaciones personales, que lleva a cabo el escritor a lo largo de casi veinte años, se encuentran en el libro Ese hombre y otros papeles personales, editado por Daniel Link. De esta forma, la investigación se centra en estos textos personales que constituyen un verdadero cuaderno de bitácora del autor, ya que además de su diario abarca otras escrituras del yo vecinas y correlativas a éste, como memorias, relatos de infancia y diverso material de cuño autobiográfico. De este modo, el primer capítulo se centra en dos tópicos previos al trabajo específico sobre el corpus. El primero referido a la problemática de los géneros literarios que transita el escritor en su obra. Y en segundo término se analiza la cuestión del diario íntimo en general y, las escrituras del yo en referencia al diarista, como qué tipo de diario construye y las dificultades que presenta su fragmentariedad y heterogeneidad. El segundo y tercer capítulo se centran en el análisis del diario íntimo del escritor propiamente dicho, desde su estancia en Cuba entre 1959 y 1961 hasta su actuación en el caso Padilla en 1972, entre otras circunstancias. En el cuarto capítulo el análisis se basa en el material de cuño autobiográfico del escritor existente en el corpus y los rasgos autofigurativos que emergen del mismo. Finalmente, en el último capítulo el estudio incursiona en la problemática de la violencia revolucionaria para Rodolfo Walsh y cómo se configura ello a partir de los escritos del diarista. El trabajo se propone, en definitiva, una reflexión sobre esa heterogeneidad y heterodoxia del corpus a partir de la emergencia de un sujeto escindido y cómo opera y se configura ello en los propios textos y su vínculo con la escritura pública del autor. / The present dissertation proposes an analysis of Rodolfo Walshs diaries written between 1957 and 1976. These personal notes, which have been made during almost twenty years, are in the book entitled Ese Hombre Y Otros Papeles Personales, organized by Daniel Link. Thus, this research focuses on these personal texts that are a real logbook of the author, considering that beside the diary, the notes include other correlated writings as memories, childhood stories and autobiographical material. The first chapter focuses in two preliminary topics: the first one is about the problems that emerge from the subject of the literary genres related to the author and his work, and the second one analyzes the issue of the diary in general, the scripts referring to the author, what kind of diary was built and the difficulties of its fragmentation and heterogeneity. The second and third chapters are centered on the analyses of the writers diary itself, since his stay in Cuba between 1959 and 1961 until his performance in \"Padilla\" in 1972, among other circumstances. In the fourth chapter the research is based on the autobiographic material of the writer inside the corpus and the personal traits which represent and emerge from it. Finally, in the last chapter the study goes into the problem of revolutionary violence to Rodolfo Walsh and how it is configured from the writings of the author. In summary, the paper proposes a reflection about all this corpus heterogeneity and heterodoxy, from the emergence of a divided subject and the observation of the configuration of it inside the texts and its relation with Walshs public writing.