Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ronaldo Fabiano dos Santos Gaspar.pdf: 2811565 bytes, checksum: 506781822f06a1660daebc829ae4156a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-30 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The main scope of this study was to investigate the antinomies incurred by Hannah Arendt in her complex theoretical path in the field of political thought. Among these antinomies, we point out her criticism of Nazism, nourished by some philosophical sources similar to that movement; her defense of reason, which refuses, in some decisive aspects, the rationality of history; her apology of revolution, characterized by an aristocratic concept of political participation; at last, Being Hannah Arendt a thinker considered difficult to be classified, this study shows that, in essence, her ideas are connected to the canons of political liberalism. By analyzing her early writings until the eve of The life of the mind we tried to approach mainly the prominent role of Karl Marx s works as object of criticism. These critiques compelled her to develop her own positions, particularly the controversial and even incorrect analysis about Marx s works. Finally, we tried to evidence that the conservatism of Hannah Arendt was strengthened by her criticism of Marx and at the same time, by the fact that World War Second became a distant event, while there was an intensification of Cold War / O objetivo central deste trabalho foi investigar as antinomias em que Hannah Arendt incorreu ao longo do seu complexo percurso teórico no campo do pensamento político. Dentre essas antinomias, destacamos suas críticas ao nazismo, que se nutrem de algumas fontes filosóficas similares às deste movimento; sua defesa da razão, que recusa em aspectos decisivos a racionalidade da história; sua apologia da revolução, que contém uma concepção aristocrática da participação política; e, por fim, numa pensadora tida como inclassificável, como suas ideias se enquadram, em essência, nos cânones do liberalismo político. Na análise deste percurso, que vai desde seus primeiros escritos até as vésperas d A vida do espírito, buscou-se aflorar, especialmente, o papel destacado que a obra de Karl Marx ocupa como objeto de crítica e de desenvolvimento das próprias posições de Hannah Arendt, em particular o caráter controverso e mesmo incorreto das análises que a autora efetua desta obra. Enfim, tentamos demonstrar que o conservadorismo de Hannah Arendt se adensou ao longo de suas formulações críticas em relação a Marx e, ao mesmo tempo, com o distanciamento da II Guerra mundial e o recrudescimento da Guerra fria

O presente trabalho tem o objetivo de analisar como mudanças nos discursos sobre desenvolvimento que operam na Nicarágua afetam organizações de mulheres rurais no país. A partir de uma abordagem etnográfica, são analisadas as trajetórias e estratégias de duas organizações de mulheres que executam projetos com financiamento de agências de cooperação internacional e que mantêm relação com políticas sociais, buscando perceber como estas relações se vinculam com suas escolhas políticas. Tomo como referência a divisão em três períodos históricos do país, cada um vinculado a um macro-discruso específico sobre desenvolvimento: a Revolução Popular Sandinista na década de 1980, e a guerra que a acompanhou; os dezesseis anos do período neoliberal (1990 – 2006), que vieram acompanhados por um enorme volume de recursos de Ajuda Internacional para o Desenvolvimento (AID); e, a partir de 2007, a volta da Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) à presidência do país, marcada por sua aliança econômica com a Venezuela, e pela redução significativa de recursos de AID. O argumento é que estes macro-discursos, apesar de diferentes, se baseiam em lógicas de colonialidade/modernidade que colocam a “mulher rural” como um “outro” atrasado, que deve ser corrigido por algum tipo de desenvolvimento. No entanto, seguindo o desafio do feminismo pós-colonial, a proposta deste trabalho é desconstruir uma visão monolítica sobre “mulheres do terceiro mundo”, evidenciando as particularidades dos processos locais, apesar de compartilharem de elementos nas dinâmicas de estabelecimento de relações de poder em todos os espaços da vida. O trabalho de campo indica que elas constroem diferentes possibilidades a partir da construção de espaços exclusivos de mulheres, que se dá também em relação com discursos sobre desenvolvimento e gênero nacionais e internacionais. / This paper aims to analyze how changes in development discourses operating in Nicaragua affect rural women's organizations in the country. From an ethnographic approach, the trajectories and strategies of two women's organizations running projects with funding from donor agencies and affected by social policies are analyzed, seeking to understand how these relations are linked with their political choices. I take as reference the division into three historical periods of the country, each tied to a specific macro-discrouses on development: the Sandinista Popular Revolution in the 1980s, and the war that followed; sixteen years of the neoliberal period (1990 - 2006), which were accompanied by a huge volume ofresources from Agencies for International Development (AID); and, from 2007, the return of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) to the presidency of the country, marked by its economic alliance with Venezuela, and the significant reduction of AID resources. The argument is that these macro-discourses, although different, are based on the logic of coloniality / modernity that put the "rural woman" as an "other" that needs to be corrected by pre-established development models. However, following the challenge of post-colonial feminism, the purpose of this paper is to deconstruct a monolithic view of "women of the third world", highlighting the particularities of local processes, even if they share dynamics of power relations in every areas of life. The field work indicates that these women build different possibilities from the creation of exclusive womens spaces, which also happens in relation to national and international development and gender discourses.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo refletir sobre o poder constituinte e o controle de constitucionalidade nas democracias liberais representativas, sob fundamento na teoria política de Hannah Arendt. Para tanto, o problema delineia-se sobre a concepção da autora acerca dos legitimados ao poder constituinte e ao controle de constitucionalidade, não titularizados por somente um ator político, mas pelo povo e pelo Poder Judiciário, respectivamente. Ou melhor, o problema objeto desta pesquisa é apurar se há uma contradição na teoria constitucional arendtiana em atribuir o poder constituinte ao povo, através da fundação constitucional, e entregar o controle de constitucionalidade ao Judiciário, enquanto instituição não eleita. Seu deslinde é realizado a partir do desenvolvimento de quatro hipóteses. A primeira diz com a adesão de Arendt à teoria constitucional norte-americana, na qual o poder é atribuído ao povo e a autoridade à Constituição, cuja garantia de guarda é da Corte Constitucional, como forma de controle da tirania a partir da distinção das fontes legitimadoras do poder e do Direito. A segunda tem por cenário o posicionamento da autora sobre a Revolução Francesa e a subsequente formação de governos tirânicos, a partir da ideia de concentração do poder e da autoridade no povo, como vontade una e soberana da nação. A terceira hipótese abrange a tirânica concentração do poder no soberano, tendo a vontade do líder como fundamento da ordem constitucional e a quarta perpassa a análise da inquietude arendtiana acerca do fenômeno da apolitização nas democracias representativas, a impactar as escolhas reproduzidas através do voto. Tendo por referência tais hipóteses, desenvolveu-se a pesquisa com fundamento em paradigmas fundamentais arendtianos, quais sejam, política, autoridade, revolução e fundação, bem como em suas reflexões sobre o constitucionalismo setecentista norte-americano e francês. Finalmente, após o estudo do controle de constitucionalidade propriamente dito, na estrutura de poder arendtiana, deduziu-se, embora com ressalvas, não haver contradição na opção de imputá-lo a um tribunal constitucional, em garantia não somente da separação de poderes, mas do acesso à atuação política pelas minorias, como controle da tirania da maioria e viabilização da ideia arendtiana de política. / This work presents reflections on constituent power and constitutional control in representative liberal democracies, based on Hannah Arendt’s political theory. The problem is based on the author's conception of those who are legitimated for constituent power and the constitutional control, not securitized by one political actor, but by the people and by the Judiciary, respectively. Or rather, the problem of this research is to determine if there is a contradiction in Arendt's constitutional theory in assigning the constituent power to the people through the constitutional foundation, and to give constitutional control to the Judiciary, which is not an elected institution. The problem is demarcated from the development of four hypotheses. The first says Arendt's adheres to the American constitutional theory, in which power is assigned to the people and authority to the Constitution, whose guarantee of custody is of the Constitutional Court, as a form of control of tyranny from the distinction of the sources that legitimize power and Law. The second is the author's position on the French Revolution and the subsequent formation of tyrannical governments, based on the idea of concentration of power and authority in the people, as the sovereign will of the nation. The third hypothesis covers the tyrannical concentration of power in the sovereign, with the will of the leader as the basis for constitutional order. The fourth analyzes Arendt’s restlessness regarding the phenomenon of a-politicization in representative democracies, impacting the choices made through voting. With these hypotheses as references, the study was based on some of Arendt’s fundamental paradigms, namely, politics, authority, revolution and foundation, as well as in her reflections on American and French eighteenth-century constitutionalism. Finally, regarding the study of constitutional control itself, inside Arendt’s structure of power, the study found, although with reservations, that there is no contradiction in imputing it to a constitutional court, guaranteeing not only the separation of powers, but access to political action by minorities, as an instrument of control of the tyranny of the majority, proving the viability of Arendt’s idea of politics.

Est-il possible de construire à travers Internet un sentiment solidaire transnational vis-à-vis des revendications politiques restreintes à un cadre strictement national ? Quels liens peuvent naître et se déployer dans ce but de solidarité ? Quels sont alors les dispositifs technologiques et les espaces communicationnels à disposition, comment l’information se diffuse-t-elle et trouve-t-elle un public, et enfin de quelle manière est-il possible d’en mesurer l’impact ? La thèse tente de répondre à ces questions à l'aune de la seconde révolution égyptienne de 2013 qui a provoqué la chute du gouvernement de Morsi. Dans un climat national de forte polarisation politique, cette révolution a été accompagnée par une vague d’activisme en ligne : au sein des réseaux sociaux se sont ainsi développés des espaces virtuels d‘information, de coordination et de débats. Or, parmi ces espaces, certains ont pour vocation de susciter une réponse solidaire de la part d’une audience étrangère éloignée des événements politiques en Égypte et de ses enjeux. Pour donner à comprendre une telle communication transnationale, ce travail fait dialoguer un portrait socio-historique des jeunes protagonistes de la vague révolutionnaire égyptienne avec une description analytique des mécanismes visuels de communication de la page Facebook Operation Egypt dont la résonnance dans les espaces virtuels a été remarquable. Cette double perspective répond au désir de saisir les causes profondes de l’activisme en ligne de la jeunesse égyptienne « connectée » afin d’appréhender conjointement un contexte historique particulièrement marqué par une volonté de changement politique et l’avènement d’une rencontre liant étroitement la contestation juvénile et les nouvelles technologies d’information. Enfin, la thèse pose un regard sur la construction d’une solidarité transnationale connectée. Le travail de terrain présente une approche expérimentale mixte, qualitative et quantitative. Du côté qualitatif, une démarche sémiologique a été développée pour analyser les œuvres visuelles contestataires expressément conçues pour circuler sur les médias sociaux et faire l’objet d’une diffusion transnationale. Du côté quantitatif, les données recueillies visent à documenter la portée des différentes formes d’interaction virtuelle nationale et internationale engendrées par ces contenus.L’enquête menée permet enfin d’intégrer une réflexion sur la fonction de cette typologie d’espaces virtuels comme media de discussion publique et leur contribution à l’émergence d’une sphère publique transnationale. / Is it possible to build a transnational sense of solidarity across the Internet with regards to strictly national political demands? What links can arise and be deployed towards achieving solidarity? What are the technological devices and communication spaces available, and how does information spread and find its audience? Finally, how is it possible to measure the impact of such dynamics?This thesis attempts to answer these questions in light of the second Egyptian Revolution of 2013 that led to the fall of the Morsi government. In a national climate marked by strong political polarization, this revolution was accompanied by a wave of online activism: virtual spaces of information, coordination and debate unfolded within social networks. Among these spaces, some were intended to elicit a desire for solidarity from a foreign audience distant from the political events in Egypt and its issues.To help understand such transnational communication, this work combines a socio-historical portrait of the Egyptian Revolution’s young protagonists with an analytical description of the visual communication mechanisms of Operation Egypt – a Facebook page that had vast impact in virtual spaces. This dual perspective responds to a desire to grasp the root causes of the online activism of Egypt’s “connected” youth in order to jointly apprehend a historical context particularly marked by a desire for political change, as well as the advent of a closely linked encounter between juvenile protest and new information technology. Finally, this thesis focuses on the construction of connected transnational solidarity.The fieldwork presents a mixed, qualitative and quantitative experimental approach. On the qualitative side, a semiological approach has been developed to analyze the visual works of protest expressly conceived to transnationally circulate on social media. On the quantitative side, the data collected is intended to document the scope of the various forms of national and international virtual interaction generated by this content.Finally, this study allows us to integrate a reflection on the function of this typology of virtual spaces as the media of public discussion and their contribution to the emergence of a transnational public sphere.

“It is change, continuing change, inevitable change, that is the dominant factor in society today.”Isaac AsimovThe development in technology and the adaptation to strategies and production techniques has led the textile industry to a completely different path, to the one on which it was for decades. The current scenario shows the world at the verge of total transition. But this much advancement is not consistent. The countries across the globe can be divided into two distinct groups, developed and the developing countries. So is also the case with the development and the advancement within these countries and the one country Pakistan which is the focus in this paper.The countries which were at the forefront in expansion and development during the industrial revolution are now leading the textile industry in all aspects and the developing countries which realized the importance of textile industry quite late, are now following the footsteps of these countries. Still there is a huge gap between their approaches and strategies, and that concerns not only the technology but other constituents of society such as education, policies and infrastructure etc.The basic thinking and objective behind the study was to identify the strategies of the Pakistani textile and clothing industry with the consequences and results as a response of these adopted strategies. The textile and clothing industry of Pakistan has always been the backbone of the country’s economy. It contributes 54% of total exports and 46% of total manufacturing income which shows the importance of this industry in the overall economy of the country. So, in order to sustain and also to increase the current contribution level, it is necessary to sustain a certain level of competency and to increase this level either by improving the system, strategies, infrastructure or policies with or without the help of government.The technology up-gradation has not only simplified the processes but also has helped different industries to extract favorable results and to shape the things according to the desires and needs. But still there are regions where the main focus of the textile industry is not on further development in the textile field but to sustain a specific level of production which they are doing by containing a certain level of technology and equipment to run their industry such as in Pakistan, while on the other hand the developing countries are involved in much more intensive development in textile field exemplified by smart and intelligent textiles, nano technology, bio mimics and tissue engineering.In order to achieve the results, an extensive and detailed search was done which was then analyzed and finally interpreted to find the desired outcome. The study showed wide differences between the general approach and strategies of people and the industry of Pakistani textile and clothing industry from its main competitors in the same region of Asia and with the other countries. / Program: Magisterutbildning i Applied Textile Management

The main object of this paper is an attempt to illustrate the present situation of TeheranUniversity Central Library and its 17 faculty libraries. The main aspects of these librarieswhich will be discussed are collections, staffing, management, shelving, cataloguing and thelibrary users. The findings of a survey which was conducted by the author in Iran in thesummer 1995 form the main basis of the discussions.Some of the problems in these libraries are mentioned and the possible solutions arerecommended.The study also examines the role and effect of the Islamic Revolution and de-westernizationpolicy of the present regime on these libraries.A historical background of higher education, foundation of the University of Teheran,librarianship and the whole range of libraries in Iran are discussed briefly.

My research examines the social and material life of gnosis for the contemporary Sufi community in post-revolutionary Iran. In contrast to literatures which confine Sufism to the literary and poetic realms, I investigate the ways in which gnosis (mystical epistemology) is re-configured as a series of techniques for navigating the realm of the everyday. In particular, I focus on the ways in which mystical knowledge (ma'arifat-e 'erfani) is utilized by the Sufis to position themselves as outside of the socio-political areana, a move that, within the context of the Islamic Republic, in and of itself possesses vast political and social repercussions. I approach gnosis in two ways: both as object of study but also as critical lens, utilizing the Sufis' own mystical epistemology to guide me in understanding and interpreting my ethnographic case studies. In my dissertation, I address the following questions: What is the role of the Sufis, a group positioned on neither side of the orthodoxy-secular divide, within post-revolutionary Iran? How does a religious group attempt to create and maintain a disavowal of the political realm in a theocracy? More broadly, what is the role of mysticism within late modernity, and how might such a question be answered anthropologically? At the heart of my dissertation is the analysis of four ethnographic case studies. In each instance, I illustrate the way that the Sufis' own concept of mystical knowledge may be used to interpret topics as varied as the relationship between commemorative (dhikr) rituals and national identity to the negotiation of state interference to the practice of youth-organized poetry readings to the spatial organization of meeting places. I trace the affective and sensory dimensions of gnosis as it influences the mystics' understanding of the body, memory, place, language, and their socio-theological position within Iranian modernity more broadly. By analyzing the question of the "apolitical," my dissertation intervenes into the presumed distinction between the aesthetico-epistemological and the political divide, tracking a group that favors not direct resistance or outright evasion, but a more elusive engagement. My dissertation may be utilized by those interested in questions of knowledge production, aesthetics and affect, and alternatives to the religious-secular divide.

My dissertation examines the role of “the law of nations”—as international law was known in the eighteenth-century—in the diplomacy of the American Revolution. My method is to assess the way in which European and American diplomats used this law in a series of negotiations involving Spain, France, Britain, and the United States in a conflict over the Mississippi River. I argue that European statesmen based their conduct on a set of pragmatic norms, derived from precedent, which were known as the customary law of nations. American revolutionaries were generally naïve in their use of this law, having had no prior experience with international affairs. John Jay—the emissary tasked with defending American interests in the Mississippi—was an exception to this rule. Among Jay’s most notable attributes was the tenacity with which he defended the statehood of the United States, and its corresponding right to the privileges and protections afforded by the law of nations. The issue lay at the heart of the conflict over the Mississippi, and Jay’s conduct, I demonstrate, was decisive to its outcome. In my last two chapters I explore the source of Jay’s perspicacity and suggest that he likely derived his understanding of the law of nations from the treatises of Samuel von Pufendorf—a leading proponent of a theoretical version of the law of nations that was popular in intellectual circles at the time. Pufendorf was an authority in “moral philosophy”, or the scientific study of natural moral law; and he defined states as corporate moral persons, whose rights derived from a universal law of sociability. Jay was educated at King’s College in New York City (1760-1764), and the president of King’s, Samuel Johnson, was one of the preeminent authorities in British North America on Enlightenment-era theories of natural law. Johnson gave Pufendorf a central place in his curriculum, and it was Pufendorf’s theories, I argue, combined with the authority with which Johnson imbued them, that lay behind Jay’s use and conception of the law of nations.

After the Haitian Revolution (1791–1804), under the leadership of freed Black American-born Prince Saunders, working in conjunction with formerly enslaved revolutionaries, invited some 13,000 free African-Americans to leave the United States to emigrate to world’s first Black republic of Haiti. This migration offered the possibility of economic freedom and a promise/redefinition of the boundaries of citizenship and equality in the Atlantic world. Part I, “Abolitionist Pioneers and Origins,” begins with a summary biography of Prince Saunders and an overview of the world of transatlantic slavery he was born into. Its major context is nineteenth century Anglo-European ideologies of freedom, equality, and citizenship. The dissertation also considers the origins of black revolutionary transnationalism by looking at its early pioneers and the revolutionary processes that widened the scope for the eventual success of antislavery to become an ideology rooted in human rights claims. Chapter 1 explores the late eighteenth century and the first decade of the nineteenth century as crucial periods in which free Blacks in the United States, slaves and freed people in Haiti, and British abolitionists embraced the morality that slavery and racism posed the greatest dangers to a world mired in revolutionary claims to natural rights. Part II, “Ideas and Ideologies,” considers how Saunders worked to frame the legacy of the Haitian Revolution as a democratic project that shaped the ideology of revolutionary transnationalism. In this view, citizenship was defined as unrestricted by national borders. By Saunders disseminating the idea of citizenship as transcending borders, the idea of Haiti became a radically subversive alternate to American citizenship. By propagating such views, Saunders transformed himself into a transcultural, bi-national hybrid American-Haitian, embodying the overall dynamism of black revolutionary transnationalism. Chapters 3 and 4 discuss the fusion of transatlantic abolitionism and Haitian revolutionary ideology into a full-fledged emigration idealism that showcases the operative capacity of Black citizenship. Part III, “The Era of Emigration and Colonization, 1816-1833, in Chapters 5 and 6 respectively grapples with the real consequences of African American emigration to Haiti and Prince Saunders’s legacy. The first wave of emigration from 1816–1826 was followed by a second wave from 1859-1865. In the interim, Blacks debated the relative merits of Haitian emigration versus colonization as a strategy for citizenship. The status of Haiti as a feasible home ebbed and flowed in the minds of Black emigrationists who increasingly viewed West Africa, as well as parts of Latin and South America or Canada, as options for escaping to citizenship. I conclude by exploring these debates for what they tell us about fragmentation and ruptures in the free Black community regarding the best strategies for reform and citizenship beyond the gaining or granting of freedom. It must be noted, however, that in the penultimate conclusion to Prince Saunders’s struggle, the coming of the Civil War and the Reconstruction period thereafter took African Americans away from the meaning and significance of Haiti. Finally, readers will note that each part and chapter of this volume is intended to synchronize with the whole but also stand as single-chapter essays.

Este trabalho propõe uma análise da viagem do artista francês Antonin Artaud ao México no ano de 1936. Por meio das correspondências e dos textos de Artaud produzidos neste país, pretende-se problematizar a sua concepção sobre a Revolução Mexicana e sobre os seus desdobramentos políticos e culturais durante os anos 1930, as suas ideias sobre as culturas indígenas e a sua relação com a realidade artística-intelectual mexicana. Parte-se da premissa de que o olhar de Artaud para o México foi formado por um ambiente intelectual e artístico marcado pelo Surrealismo, por um sentimento de crise da civilização europeia e por uma busca por formas de vida mais integradas entre o homem, a natureza e a arte. Artaud chega ao México em fevereiro de 1936 e permanece no país durante oito meses. Segundo suas próprias palavras, fora em busca do que ele denominaria de esoterismo mexicano o único que se apóia ainda sobre o sangue e a magnificência de uma terra cuja magia só os imitadores fanatizados da Europa podem ignorar. Durante a estadia, antes de ir à terra dos Tarahumaras, proferiu conferências na Escola Nacional Preparatória e escreveu artigos em jornais mexicanos a respeito do teatro europeu, do teatro mexicano, do movimento surrealista francês, das suas expectativas com relação à cultura indígena mexicana e da sua busca existencial como artista. No entanto, a sua visita ao México se dá justamente no período pós-revolucionário, durante o polêmico e marcante governo de Lázaro Cárdenas, no qual há uma radicalização da querela entre os artistas denominados universalistas e aqueles conhecidos como nacionalistas. Os primeiros, ao defenderem uma arte moderna e universal, preconizavam a arte europeia como matriz aspecto que Artaud repudiava e os segundos, ao afirmarem uma arte nacional, pura, utilizavam-se da cultura indígena como elemento unificador da nação, mas sem o respeito pela magia e pelo esoterismo indígena que Artaud tanto pregava. Daí as hipóteses para a falta de repercussão sobre o artista francês durante a sua permanência no país. Artaud também projetou sobre o México percepções que ele nutria a respeito do teatro. Idealizador do chamado Teatro da Crueldade, Artaud reconheceu no ritual do peyote praticado pelos índios tarahumaras no México uma vivência que se aproximava do seu projeto teatral / This work proposes an analysis about the Mexico trip realized by the French artist Antonin Artaud in 1936. With Artauds correspondences and texts written in this country, it intends to discuss his conception about Mexican revolution and its political and cultural results during the 1930s years, his ideas about the Indian cultures and his relation with the Mexican artistic intellectual reality. We have the premise that Artauds look to México was formed by an intellectual and artistic surrounding marked for the Surrealism, by an European civilizations crisis feeling and by a search for lifes forms more integrated between man, nature and arts. Artaud arrived in México in February of 1936 and stayed in the country during eight months. With his own words, he was searching for what he called by Mexican esoterism the only one that still rest on the blood and the magnificent of a land whose magic only the fanatics imitators from Europe can ignore. During his permanence, before going to Tarahumaras land, Artaud was the speaker for conferences in the National Preparatory School and wrote articles for the Mexican newspapers about the European theatre, the Mexican theatre, the French surrealist movement and his Mexican Indian culture expectation. He also wrote about his own experience about his existential search as an artist. However, his Mexico visit had been done in the post-revolutionary period, during the polemic and notorious Lázaro Cárdenas government, when there was a radicalization of the debate between the artists known as universalists and other as nationalists. The first ones, when defended a modern and universal art, commended the European art as matrix aspect repudiated by Artaud and the second ones, when asseverated a national art, pure, had utilized the Indian culture like nations unifier element, but without the respect for the magic and for the Indian esoterism that Artaud always had been preached. These aspects could integrate the hypothesis that explains the lack of repercussion about the French artist during his stay in the country. Artaud also projected in Mexico the perceptions that he created about the theatre. The artist was the idealizer of the Cruelty Theatre, and he recognized in the Peyotes ceremony practiced by the Tarahumaras Indians in Mexico an environment close to his theatrical project