This dissertation examines the relationship of political instability and economic failure to predatory organized crime in multiple nations. This is an important issue since each year the increase in predatory crime networks contributes to international economic failure, security risks, and the spread of organized crime. In an effort to understand the relationship between state failure and economic failure on the one hand, and organized crime on the other, this study will seek to address three goals. First, the study tests the degree to which variables that imply economic failure and state failure correlate with predatory organized crime. Second, the study determines the extent of the relationship between the social and economic indicators and predatory organized crime in multiple nations. Third, the study examines the future implications of predatory organized crime predictor variables in the context of national strategies to eradicate or reduce organized crime. This study investigates the relationship in failed states between predatory crime groups and various economic and state stability indicators. In particular, this study examines the impact of seven predictor variables on the variation in Predatory Organized Crime in 122 countries. The findings suggest that the state failure hypothesis correctly articulates the failure of the state to offer key social goods such as security, stability, and justice, thereby producing an environment where crime groups assume state responsibilities. The findings also support the economic failure hypothesis that poor economic outcomes such as high unemployment, low SES, and a dependency on an underground economy encourage the development of criminal groups. The ultimate goal of this study is to assist policy makers, policy analysts, scholars, and officials at donor agencies and international financial institutions in establishing effective tools for identifying and removing predatory organized crime units. Analytical results provide general support to all hypotheses. Moreover, policy implications for predatory organized crime control in developing countries are discussed. The author's objective is to increase understanding of this issue and show the need for further research.

Criminal organizations have been commonly associated with violence and disorder. Despite there being truth in that, what is more concerning is their growing influence. Criminal violence has exceeded traditional forms of political violence in the world. In the wake of the signing of the Peace Accord on November 26, 2016, between the Government of Colombia and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia — People’s Army, the disarmament and demobilization process created an institutional and security vacuum in rural regions of Colombia. These rural regions currently experience partial peace, with violence levels peaking under the competition of criminal organizations and other non-state armed groups to govern abandoned territories and communities over the pursuit of illicit markets and trade routes. This study focuses on a more profound understanding of the micro-dynamics between criminal organizations territorial control, governance, and its effects on violence against civilians in rural and post-conflict contexts. This thesis contributes to this research gap by asking why do criminal organizations territorial control affect violence against civilians? Through a qualitative study using the method of structured focused comparison and selecting a most similar research design, the period of study covers September 1, 2017, to June 30, 2022. The municipalities selected were Tarazá and Zaragoza, in the department of Antioquia. The findings seem to suggest that it is more likely that a criminal organization that has or in this case the Gaitanist Self-Defense Forces of Colombia that progressively achieved segmented territorial control would have the incentives to monopolize all functions of governance and to their capacity establish a public goods-based legitimacy governance system reducing the cost of social control and criminal violence against civilians in Tarazá and Zaragoza.

The Kenyan state is currently under pressure from two sides: First, numerous non-state armed groups have taken over the provision of security in areas where the state is practically absent. Second, drug-trafficking organizations are gaining ground as the country is increasingly being used as a major transit hub for narcotics. This article investigates the relationship between drug trafficking and informal security provision in Kenya and draws analogies from comparable experiences in Latin America and West Africa. Field research in Kenya has demonstrated that profit-oriented, informal security actors in Mombasa work for drug lords, while their counterparts in Nairobi are more likely to be hired by politicians. Moreover, faith-based vigilante groups in both cities appear to be less susceptible to external manipulation by drug traffickers. The article concludes by considering the potential consequences of an expansion of the drug trade in Kenya. / © 2014 GIGA. Reproduced in accordance with the publisher's self-archiving policy. Africa Spectrum is an Open Access publication. It may be read, copied and distributed free of charge according to the conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution-No Derivative Works 3.0 License.

As organized criminal groups continue to produce an increasingly devastating effect on Swedish society, a more extensive amount of public policy and research is aimed at tackling this growing issue. However, little of the research is focused on the role of women in organized crime. The research that does exist shows rather inconclusive results regarding the roles of women. Therefore, the current essay aims to investigate, using a feminist framework, what role women play in organized criminal acts and within organized criminal groups. This study uses the method of systematic content analysis and the material consists of court judgements and preliminary investigation reports related to organized crime, in which encrypted chats have been utilized as evidence. This material provides a unique resource to be able to study the demographic variables of the women involved in organized crime as well as investigate their specific roles within the organized criminal groups by looking at variables such as their relationship to other actors, criminal involvement and contacts within the network. The results show that the women involved in organized crime were mainly involved in narcotics, financial and weapons crimes, and the most common role was that of a passive role in the form of possession of narcotics, cash or weapons. Some women had romantic or familial relationships with other offenders and most women existed on the periphery of the network with no organizational or leadership roles, which largely reflects what would be expected of female roles in feminist theory. This information can be used to gain a better understanding of women in organized crime and inform policy and rehabilitation efforts. The knowledge gained from this study could be further developed by conducting comparisons between male and female offenders.

Organized crime currently poses a high threat around the globe. It can be regarded as an international problem with local reach. In addition, gangs exhibit presence in large parts of the world. Criminal activities involving illegal drugs are one common feature among these types of criminal groups. Having acknowledged the detrimental influence that organized crime, gangs and drugs have on both a societal and individual level, a better understanding of how these areas overlap is needed. A significant part of reaching a better understanding is to examine the theories utilized within the research. The aim of this scoping review is to inquire into the literature focusing on the overlap between organized crime, gangs and drugs. Two research questions are answered: 1) Which prominent themes are found in the overlap of organized crime, gangs and drugs? 2) Which theories or theoretical frameworks guide this research? A rigorous search strategy produced a large sample of studies. The software program ASReview Lab was used to make the screening process efficient. In the end, a total of 56 studies were included in this scoping review. Four themes were identified as recurring in the literature. Gang organization, collaboration between criminal groups, governance and gang evolution through drug business are all parts of the overlap between organized crime, gangs and drugs. Several theoretical frameworks were used in the included studies. Theories regarding gang evolution and gang organization were especially prominent. The identified themes opened up for a discussion regarding the challenges of definitions within the areas in focus, the glocal aspect of organized crime and the role of organization in the drug business. A couple of areas were identified as understudied and a future systematic review of the literature can be useful for the societal actors working against organized crime, gangs and drugs.

Localized crime exists all over the world; however there are certain crimes that have effects globally. These crimes are committed by organizations with worldwide networks, posing a unique problem for law enforcement. Police agencies must coordinate their international efforts with many different nations that utilize disparate legal systems in order to suppress these criminal operations. The objective of this thesis is to provide information on some of the various topics related to the issue of transnational organized crime and law enforcement's response. Literature on various areas of organized crime such as drug and human trafficking, money laundering, and corruption is presented to further understanding of these topics. Additionally, literature discussing responses to international organized crime will also be included. Two case studies are presented and analyzed to help illustrate the information found in the literature. As criminal organizations become more global, law enforcement has to respond accordingly. This thesis provides an amalgamation of scholarly research to present a broad overview of the issues related to this topic.

The research was conducted as a result of the researcher‟s concern that the possibility exists that members of the different law enforcement agencies in South Africa might have a misconception about the mandate and functions of the Financial Intelligence Centre. If such a misconception in fact exists, it poses a huge challenge towards fruitful co-operation among the Centre and the different law enforcement agencies. The researcher identified certain practical problems, namely, that investigators are not aware of the types of intelligence that the Centre could provide them with, and that investigators might not be informed about the specific procedures to follow when they need to request intelligence from the Centre. The research has shown that, in the past, the Centre has been a useful source of crime intelligence concerning a range of predicate offences including narcotics, fraud and tax related crimes. The research has further found that, although the majority of participants gained a lot of experience in law enforcement and investigations, they had limited awareness about the Financial Intelligence Centre and its functions. This research project studied the utilisation of the Financial Intelligence Centre as a crime intelligence source. / Police Practice / M. Tech. (Forensic Investigation)

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research study aims to analyze the illicit arms trade in states in transition. While both the study of the illicit arms trade and the study of states in transition per se, are characterized by a variety of concepts and debates within academia, this study attempts to establish a coherent and concise connection between the two. Therefore, the main research question is: How do the capacity gaps of social control, social welfare, border control and legitimacy contribute to the proliferation of the illicit arms trade in states in transition? For the purpose of this study, the researcher uses the theoretical framework based on capacity gaps and functional holes as outlined by Phil Williams (2002). Williams (2002) states that organized crime and transnational organized crime (TOC), which the illicit arms trade is a part of, flourish in states that are weakened by capacity gaps and where the accompanying functional holes open up the way for organized crime and TOC to work with impunity. The seven capacity gaps that Williams (2002) outlines are: social control, social welfare, business regulation, oversight and accountability, border control, legitimacy and electoral norms and patterns. However, this thesis does not focus on all seven capacity gaps; instead, only the capacity gaps of social control, social welfare, border control and legitimacy are analysed. This decision has been based on the literature by Williams (2002), Migdal (1988), Beck and Laeven (2006), who suggest that a state in transition cannot complete its transitional period and become a consolidated democracy if high levels of social control, social welfare, respect for the rule of law and legitimacy are not obtained. Moreover, this research study conducts a comparative analysis of two states in transition, South Africa and Croatia, which have both been experiencing difficulties with TOC and the illicit arms trade, and where both states still have not completed their transitional period, and are thus not consolidated democracies. This research does not imply that the findings of this study are applicable to all states in transition; the focus is rather on how the four capacity gaps and functional holes that this research focused on contribute to the proliferation of the illicit arms trade in South Africa and Croatia. The findings indicate that due to high levels of corruption within the judicial system and police, the citizens of South Africa and Croatia lack trust in the states’ capacity to impose social control, which in turn opens the way for organized criminal groups to work with impunity. Furthermore, the social welfare capacity gap contributes to the rise in levels of organized crime and the illicit arms trade due to the fact that levels of inequality and unemployment force the citizens of South Africa and Croatia to look for alternative survival strategies, usually those that organized criminal groups can provide them with. Moreover, the lack of resources and corruption among custom officials and police staff, serve as opportunities for organized criminal groups to traffic illicit goods over South Africa and Croatia’s borders; thus indicating a functional hole in the states interdictory capacity and an overall gap in the states capacity to control its borders. Lastly, due to the South African and Croatian citizens’ lack of trust in the institutions and the state apparatus in general, the capacity gap of legitimacy is visible. This in turn opens the way for organized criminal groups to use patron-client relationships with the citizens of South Africa and Croatia, in order to build and sustain a level of popular legitimacy that the state is lacking. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingsprojek streef daarna om die onwettige handel in wapens as deel van transnasionale georganiseerde misdaad binne state in transisie te analiseer. Alhoewel navorsing in die onwettige handel van wapens, asook die studie van state in transisie gekenmerk word deur vele konsepte en debatte binne die velde; poog hierdie studie om die twee konsepte in ʼn duidelike en presiese manier te verbind. In die lig hiervan is die navorsings vraag: Hoe dra die kapasiteitsgapings van sosiale beheer, sosiale welvaart, grens kontrole en legitimiteit by tot die volhoubaarheid van die onwettige handel in wapens in state in transisie? Vir die doel van hierdie studie het die navorser besluit om gebruik te maak van die teoretiese raamwerk gebaseer op kapasiteitsgapings en funksionele-openinge soos beskryf deur Phil Williams (2002). Wiliams (2002) voer aan dat georganiseerde misdaad en transnasionale misdaad, waarvan die onwettige handel in wapens ʼn deel uitmaak, floreer in state wat verswak is deur kapasitietsgapings; en waar bygaande funksionele-openinge die weg baan vir transnasionale misdaad om te floreer. Die sewe kapasiteitsgapings soos deur Williams (2002) beskryf is: sosiale beheer, sosiale welvaart, besigheid-regulering, oorsig en aanspreeklikheid, grens kontrole, legitimiteit en verkiesings norme en patrone. Hierdie tesis fokus egter nie op al sewe kapasiteitsgapings nie. Daar word slegs gefokus op die kapasiteitsgapings van sosiale beheer, sosiale welvaart, grens kontrole en legitimiteit. Hierdie besluit is gebaseer op literatuur deur William (2002), Joel S. Migdal (1988), Thorsten Beck en Luc Laeven (2006) en dies meer wat voorstel dat ʼn staat in transisie nie die transisie periode kan voltooi en ʼn vaste demokrasie kan raak indien hoe vlakke van sosiale beheer, sosiale welvaart, respek vir wet en orde en legitimiteit nie verkry word nie. Verder maak hierdie navorsing gebruik van ʼn vergelykende analise tussen twee state in transisie: Suid Afrika en Kroasië. Beide hierdie state ervaar probleme met trans-nasionale misdaad en die onwettige handel in wapens. Beide het ook nog nie hul transisie periode voltooi nie en is dus nie vaste of gekonsolideerde demokrasieë nie. Hoewel die navorser nie aanvoer dat die bevindinge van hierdie studie van toepassing is op alle state in transisie nie, probeer die navorser vasstel hoe die vier kapasiteitsgapings en funksionele-openinge bydrae tot die volhoubaarheid van die onwettige handel in wapens in Suid Afrika en Kroasië. Die bevindinge dui daarop dat as gevolg van hoë vlakke van korrupsie binne die regstelsel en polisie, die bevolking van Suid Afrika en Kroasië nie die staat se kapasiteit om sosiale beheer te handhaaf, vertrou nie. Dit maak die gaping oop vir georganiseerde misdaad om sonder teenkant te handel. Verder, die sosiale welvaart gaping, dra by tot die toename in die vlakke van georganiseerde misdaad en die onwettige handel in wapens as gevolg van hoë vlakke van ongelykheid en armoede, wat die bevolking van Suid Afrika en Kroasië dwing tot alternatiewe metodes van oorlewing wat gewoonlik deur georganiseerde misdaad groepe verskaf word. Verder, die gebrek aan toerusting en ook korrupsie binne grensbeheer en polisie lede, verskaf die geleentheid vir georganiseerde misdaad groepe om in onwettige goedere te handel. Dit dui op die funksionele gaping in die staat se beheersmeganismes en oor die algemeen ʼn gaping in die staat se kapasiteit om grense te beheer. Ten laaste, as gevolg van die gebrek aan vertroue van die bevolking in die strukture van die staat Suid Afrika en Kroasië is die kapasitietsgaping van legitimiteit duidelik teenwoordig. Dit open die weg vir georganiseerde misdaad groepe om populêre gesag op te bou, wat daar nie is by die regering van die lande nie.

Name: Issues in organized crime Aims of the thesis: 1. To define and classify organized crime 2. To describe historical development of organized crime 3. To analyze organized crime in the states where its presence has become evident i.e. Italy, USA, Russia and Japan 4. To characterize the main activities of organized crime 5. To define the means of fighting organized crime Methods: When analyzing organized crime, it is impossible to use research methods that would comprise direct contact with a criminal environment. Indirect evidence was used to compile the thesis. Methods of research: 1. The use of information from publications 2. Analysis of documents 3. Research into selected legal means of fighting organized crime 4. Content analysis of the press 5. Statistics Results: Various views on organized crime, its features and its typology have been defined. Its causes and the conditions under which organized crime arises, as well as its beginnings, were described. Findings about organized crime in selected countries were analyzed; attention was drawn to history, the present day and occurrences and activities of the main organized groups. The main activities of organized crime were described in four groups, focusing on their description, organization and the legal issues. Eventually, possible means of...

Le pluralisme juridique relativise le monopole étatique dans la production normative, en laissant aux autres groupes sociaux la possibilité de créer du droit. La mafia en tant qu’organisation soumise à des règles qui lui sont propres représente un véritable ordre juridique qui entre en contradiction avec la légalité et la structure de tout l’ordre juridique étatique. Il paraît difficile, au premier abord, de considérer la mafia comme un ordre juridique, car elle s’oppose aux critères étatiques et juridiques traditionnels. En effet, les analyses en matière de pluralisme font rarement le lien entre le pluralisme juridique et les systèmes violents, arbitraires et illégaux. Cependant, d’un point de vue sociojuridique, il est possible d’envisager le pluralisme juridique à partir de l’analyse du phénomène mafieux. Cette hypothèse explore la relation entre divers ordres (étatique, mafieux et communautaire) de nature contradictoire et dans un contexte violent.L’organisation criminelle du trafic de drogue en Colombie durant les années 1980 et 1990 sert de base à la réflexion. Cet exemple est riche d’enseignements du fait de l’imbrication des intérêts des narcotrafiquants, de l’État et des classes sociales. Ce travail de recherche explore ainsi la mafia pensée et vécue comme un ordre juridique sui generis à caractère contre-étatique, possédant une force normative sans limites. / The legal pluralism relativises the state’s monopoly to create norms by taking into consideration the possibility that different social groups contribute to the production of law. The mafia and its rules can form a legal order in contradiction with the legality and the structure of the state legal order. It seems difficult to consider the mafia as a legal order because it is in contradiction with the traditional legal and state criteria. Indeed, the analysis of legal pluralism rarely does this link between legal pluralism and violent, arbitrary and illegal systems. However, from a socio-legal perspective, it is absolutely possible to affirm a sort of legal pluralism issued from the mafia phenomenon. This hypothesis explores, in a violent context, the contradictory relation between different kinds of orders, such as State, mafia and community order.In order to analyse this issue, the Colombian drugs traffic between the 80’s and 90’s shows a specific legal culture and legal consciousness, which in a specific context reveals interesting characteristics for a socio-legal study. The mafia and its multiple networks can infiltrate the legal culture of the regions where it acts, and sometimes, its actions and operations may be intertwined with the State and other legal actors. In this sense, it is appropriate to consider a mixed legal system, where the legal and illegal co-exist; and where the mafia, popular and state law became a "mélange" as a product of the interaction between the different legal systems as well as a product of the porosity existing between all the legal systems. This research explores the mafia, in real life and in theory, as a sui generis legal order that has a normative force without limits.