No description available.

<p> This dissertation articulates a practical theology of reconciliation for, with, and by Cuban Catholic exiles through the development of a faith-based structured process of reconciliation&mdash;the Circles of Reconciliation&mdash;that addresses personal reconciliation as the basis for social reconciliation. The Circles of Reconciliation draw on sources of the Christian tradition in dialogue with the empirical sciences and Cuban culture. The Circles provide the space to advance a praxis of reconciliation among Cuban exiles. The reflection that emanates from this process is the basis for the concluding insights on a theology and an ethics of reconciliation for this community.</p>

<p> Nonviolent strategies have been shown to be more effective than violent insurgencies for countering oppression while increasing the subsequent degree of democracy in the country and reducing its chances of civil war. But we still do not know why some campaigns work and others do not. This dissertation develops a methodology for reframing our understanding of nonviolent conflict according to the all quadrants all levels (AQAL) model of integral theory that can also be used to investigate other topics as well. </p><p> The literature review covers terms, definitions, and misconceptions about nonviolent conflict, a historical lineage, and an overview of current theories and personalities. The terms simple and complex AQAL are introduced, and the AQAL model is contextualized with current knowledge as relevant to the five elements of integral theory: quadrants, types, states, and lines and levels of development. The model is then overlaid with each of the five primary debates in the field to show how integral theory reduces the polarization that often defines academic disputes and better informs our understanding of nonviolent conflict by allowing inclusion of all valid lines of truth. Integral methodological pluralism (IMP) is then used to bring forth the disciplinary subquestions in each methodological zone that, if answered, would begin to fill in the disciplinary gaps in our knowledge and better complete the process of contextualizing the AQAL model. I then offer suggestions for six integral research projects that use IMP to take a transdisciplinary approach to researching the more complex dynamics that happen between all of the factors identified previously and in context of the evolving situation. This process advances our understanding of how to use integral theory to reframe our approach to a field of inquiry, reduces the confusion surrounding nonviolent conflict by basing the investigation on perspectives not perceptions, and produces a model that is inclusive of all valid lines of truth and weighs their importance based on the context of the situation.</p>

<p> This research used a series of qualitative measurements of media coverage to investigate how differences in characteristics of a terrorist related event correlate with qualitative differences in media coverage. The first part of this study determined that there were tools to measure differences in the quality of coverage. Three variables showed significant differences in coverage. Coverage differed in the structure of the news account- in whose shoes the reader enters the story. The differences between entering through the perspective of the victim, the perpetrator or the context have been correlated by Cerulo (1998) with different messages of the legitimacy of the actors. Victim sequences signal deviant (illegitimate) violence, perpetrator sequences signal legitimate violence and contextual sequences signal ambiguous violence. Coverage also differed in the extent to which an article provided contextual information or focused strictly on the details of the event. Providing contextual information is important for terrorist groups because it includes information on the grievances of the group as well as the history of the conflict. This variable was measured as an episodic or thematic frame. Explanations of motivation for participation in terrorism also differed based on characteristics of an event. As with contextual coverage, presenting themes of causation or motivation for the account is a way for terrorist groups to present grievances and history of the conflict. Combining these three variables into a favorable coverage variable helped makes sense of competing trends in the data. This first section set up a system for evaluating the qualitative impact on media coverage of choices that terrorist groups and governments make. What stands out is a paradox for a terrorist group around the use of violence. Both here and in other studies, violence has been shown to be an effective means of getting through the media gatekeeping and achieving coverage, but it is also associated with a decrease in favorable coverage. Number of casualties is also negatively associated with favorable coverage. Hence the paradox that, in order to achieve coverage, based on criteria of newsworthiness, violence may often be necessary, but violent action actually decreases the number of articles presenting the kind of information terrorist groups want to get across. Looking at the paired cases, what was most significant was the lack of change in the favorability of coverage before and after events. The implication is that while terrorist groups may have some control over whether or not their actions get covered, media organizations develop fairly resilient patterns for covering those actions, irrespective of the nature of the action. Terrorist groups essentially have less capacity to actually manipulate the type of coverage they receive than is commonly believed. While there were some very small effects, the favorability of coverage immediately following an event is essentially the same as before it. The difference lies in the actual amount of coverage. While short-term impacts were slight, there are substantial differences both in quantity and quality over the life of the conflict, a longer term view may allow for better understanding of changes in media coverage.</p>

<p> This study aimed to answer the following question: What is the transformative learning process, if any, undergone by soldiers who apply for status as a conscientious objector? Answers to this question were sought through a comparative case study that involved four soldiers who while serving in the military during the Iraq War applied for status as conscientious objectors. Semi-structured interviews, documents submitted by soldiers involved in the study while in the military, archival data, and autobiographical material, both written and documented through audio-visual media, were used as data sources to inform each of these cases. </p><p> The case study methodology was selected for its exploratory capacity, as it can provide rich insight into the attitudes, beliefs and worldviews of the study&rsquo;s participants by triangulating multiple sources of data. The researcher used semi-structured interviews to elicit openness of response by the participants, allowing for a process of discovery. Data analysis involved extraction of themes and statements that represented each individual&rsquo;s thought process and experiences that contributed to his decision to apply for status as a conscientious objector. The themes and statements elicited from the study&rsquo;s subjects were then evaluated from a transformative learning theory framework as developed by Mezirow (1991) to identify the degree to which the individuals underwent a transformative learning process. </p><p> Findings of this study indicated themes extracted from narratives of the four participants that could be categorized within Mezirow&rsquo;s 10 phases of the transformative learning process. A disorienting dilemma was present within all participants&rsquo; interviews and rational discourse was the theme least reflected within the narratives. Each of the participants engaged in reflective thinking in making his decision to apply for status as a conscientious objector and then took action in submitting his application. Of interest is that each entered a period of participation in activism, which over time subsided. However, despite departure from participation in activism a change in worldview related to conflict resolution remained. Participants&rsquo; enlistments stemmed from a combination of factors including lack of employment opportunities prior to joining, family tradition, desire for structure, the desire to help others, family dynamics and a sense of patriotic duty and security within communities. </p><p> This exploratory research provided a starting point for potential future research within peace studies. Follow up inquiry may include further qualitative research into the experiences of soldiers who join the anti-war movement after completion of their term of enlistment.</p><p>

No description available.

Conflict parties demand respect from their opponents and suggest it benefits conflict transformation. This raises questions about the role of respect in conflict and why conflict parties care more about respect than about positive evaluations such as liking. I began by exploring the concept and a general definition: Respect has positive valence, involves positive value judgments, bestows influence, and has a moral quality. The definition maps onto Janoff-Bulman and Werther’s distinction between basic, generally-assumed, morality-based categorical respect, which grants targets basic rights, and exclusive, mainly competence-based contingent respect, which imparts further influence including decision power. In Study 1 a content analysis of respect and disrespect episodes described by 75 undergraduate students provided support for the definition and the distinction. Next, respect was theoretically and empirically distinguished from liking. In Study 2, 45 undergraduates were asked about individuals they respected, liked, respected but did not like, and liked but did not respect (within-subject design). As predicted, Ps judged respected targets as more competent and moral, but liked targets as somewhat warmer. To test respect benefits in conflict both for targets and “respecters,” Study 3 led 82 female students to believe they would have a dialogue about a moral topic (gay marriage), for which they had indicated firm convictions in a prescreening. Ps first received a description of their ostensible dialogue partner’s views, which were manipulated to oppose Ps’ opinions respectfully, oppose them disrespectfully, oppose them without mentioning respect, or match them. Although strongest effects were found for matching (vs. opposing) views, respect (vs. disrespect) was also beneficial, especially when controlling for Ps’ perceptions of similarity with the “respecters.” Benefits included more positive emotions; improved judgments of the “respecter” regarding morality, competence, warmth, and openness in dialogue; and increased reciprocated respect. Regression analyses additionally showed that perceived respect increased a partner-considerate conflict style and tended to increase the time Ps offered for the dialogue. Comparisons to the respect-neutral condition showed that the disrespect (vs. respect) condition primarily drove the effects. Controlling for liking left (dis)respect effects largely unaffected, suggesting both concepts are indeed distinct.

<p> This dissertation assesses the influence of international standards and guidance on peace education on education policy and practice at the national and local levels in a fragile state. It also explores the critical factors that affect this influence&mdash;or the lack thereof. Utilizing a vertical case study approach that draws comparisons across multiple levels, this research examines the case of Afghanistan from 2002 to 2015. The author explored the origins and content of these recommendations at the global level, investigated their influence at the national level, and assessed what then is implemented at the local level through the work of a local non-governmental organization (NGO).</p><p> While there has been a growing presence of peace education in international recommendations and instruments promulgated by the United Nations, this study demonstrates how challenging it is for the international community to coordinate and harmonize its discourse on peace education&mdash;let alone to influence significantly a fragile state&rsquo;s national education policy and practice. The international community&rsquo;s recommendations on peace education had only a limited influence on the Afghan government&rsquo;s education policy and practice. At the local level, the global recommendations did influence the work of a local Afghan NGO, Help the Afghan Children, and its peace education program launched in 2002. The success of this program has triggered the interest of the Ministry in developing and testing a national school-based peace education curriculum that could be taught in all government schools in the country. However, the lack of resources and political will represent a great obstacle for the program to be scaled up at the national level. Overall, this vertical study underlined different potentials for the integration of peace education in schools at the national versus the local level.</p><p> As a critical case, Afghanistan provided sufficient positive conditions to implement some global recommendations on peace education, despite the complexity of the local context. The critical factors that explain the limits of this influence are not specific to Afghanistan and can be found in other fragile states. If they are not addressed, the international community will face similar obstacles to the integration of peace education in other fragile states. </p>

<p> Conflicts in Mindanao can be caused by incidents such as adultery, land disputes, even jealousy within dominant clan groups. The incidents may emerge as an interpersonal conflict, but may result in wider aggression, escalating into interclan conflict when the victim&rsquo;s relatives or ethnic group get involved. Though the initial conflict is interpersonal, it might affect the inter-societal level and even the international level. </p><p> The central issue that directed this research was to discover the factors influencing Mindanao tribal students who seek <i>rido</i>, &ldquo;interclan revenge,&rdquo; and to revise &ldquo;Peace Generation&rdquo; from Indonesia in order to implement contextual methods of &ldquo;Training Tribal Students to Be Peacemakers&rdquo; that uses insiders to facilitate tribal students for conflict transformation in Mindanao. </p><p> As a missionary, I have attempted to equip mature Muslim-background believers associated with Yoido Full Gospel Mission in Mindanao to become facilitators of a program of training tribal people to be peacemakers and to mobilize some to become agents for peacemaking in Mindanao. </p><p> In order to implement sustainable peace among the entire Moro ethnic group, I adapted Lederach&rsquo;s conceptual framework to establish the foundation of trust or to restore trust among interclan or intertribal relationships. This process guided the research in light of historical perspectives recognizing colonial factors affecting the population in Mindanao. This research employs narrative interviews to listen to participants and develop deeper interaction regarding the issues that are verbalized in intergroup conflicts. </p><p> In order to train these Christian peace facilitators for the revised process, I chose <i>Tablig</i>: A Compilation of Resources for Understanding the Muslim Mindset. Over about a year and a half in three rounds of field research, I discovered factors in Peace Generation training that might be perceived differently from tribal students&rsquo; perspectives. All three of the facilitators agreed in Training Group interviews that love is always the main factor in conflict transformation. Furthermore, all three of the Tausug villagers affirmed love, justice, and God&rsquo;s guidance as factors in their marital conflict transformation. </p><p> After reflection on these three research periods, I chose to step back as an outsider facilitator and trainer and to empower &ldquo;voluntary insiders&rdquo; and &ldquo;insiders&rdquo; to facilitate tribal students in peacemaker training. I have clearly separated findings&mdash;peacebuilding facilitated by one of the insiders&mdash;that are significant from ones that are not. In my analysis, my leadership has not shifted appropriately in recognition of tribal people groups, which need indigenization. Hence, it is significant to note that transforming conflicts only through scriptural studies is not feasible; it should be conducted by an insider innovator/transformer, rather than by my entrepreneurship. </p><p> Indeed, if I did not step back from being a peace facilitator and did not train insider or voluntary peace facilitators, we would not have seen the remarkable result in the lifecycle of organizational leadership transition. The main factor influencing and equipping tribal students and adults to be peacemakers, as carried out by insider facilitators, is &ldquo;love and forgiveness,&rdquo; as Romans 13:10 says, &ldquo;therefore love is the fulfillment of the law.&rdquo; </p><p>

<p> Peace psychology was recognized by the American Psychological Association (APA) as a specialty area of psychology in 1990. This research study analyses the past 25 years of peace psychologists&rsquo; efforts as the Society of Peace, Conflict, and Violence: Peace Psychology Division 48 of the APA (Division 48). Today the field has grown to include an international network of educators, researchers, practitioners, and advocates. The core mission of peace psychology is the transformation of conflict resolution away from violence and toward peacebuilding through psychologically informed interventions that operate at all levels of human relationships.</p><p> This research study focuses on both the theory and practice of peace psychology. The psychology informing peace building interventions is reviewed from the inception of psychology to the present, with specific emphasis on contributions from clinical and depth psychology. The research demonstrates how the organized psychological relationships among conflict, peace, and violence form a central axis which governs human relationships. Clinical and depth psychology contribute significantly to understanding the psychological processes of conflict, aggression, and interventions that promote mental health and wellbeing within both individuals and relationships. While these theories illuminate key operations within the mental framework, they also govern processes addressed directly by peace psychology&rsquo;s interventions.</p><p> The three areas reported in the findings include the professional functions performed by peace psychologists, the essential characteristics that are at the center of the practice, and lessons from the lived experiences of the participants. The various roles represented by peace psychologists&rsquo; contributions are described because they illustrate specific, identifiable contexts within which participants engaged professionally, and help illuminate how and where peace psychology is practiced. The researcher interviewed seven past presidents of the Division following oral history methodology. The interviews were analyzed using grounded theory. Advice from the leaders informs present and future challenges for the field of peace psychology.</p>