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The AU/UN hybrid peace operation in Africa : a new approach to maintain international peace and security / Barend Louwrens PrinslooPrinsloo, Barend Louwrens January 2012 (has links)
The perpetual conflict in Darfur, Sudan, which started anew in 2003, had dire
humanitarian consequences and threatened international peace and security. The UN
Security Council, which has the primary responsibility for maintaining international
peace and security, adopted Resolution 1769 on 31 July 2007 and authorised a 26 000
person-strong joint African Union/United Nations hybrid operation in Darfur
(UNAMID) to take over from AMIS (the African Union peace operation in Darfur).
UNAMID was established with dual command and control linked to both the African
Union and the United Nations and both organisations would have an equal say in its
mandate and operations. Given this unique and unprecedented arrangement between
a regional organisation and the United Nations in terms of maintaining international
peace and security, the aim of this research was to:
• Understand and describe the political motivations/reasons why the United
Nations formed a hybrid peace operation with the African Union;
• Establish in which way the aforementioned impacted on future efforts of the
United Nations to maintain international peace and security, especially on the
African continent; and, based on this,
• To determine whether or not hybrid operations were a viable alternative for
the United Nations to maintain international peace and security.
By means of a thorough analysis of the theoretical underpinnings of international
peace and security, an assessment of the peace and security architecture of the United
Nations and the African Union, an investigation into the origins of the Darfur conflict,
an examination of the structure and mandate of UNAMID, and through an empirical
investigation, a new theoretical proposition is provided in the conclusion of the thesis.
It is concluded that the UNAMID model, in practical terms, is not an optimal
mechanism for the United Nations to use to maintain international peace and security
because it suffers from numerous internal political inequities and operational
inadequacies. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Political Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012
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The AU/UN hybrid peace operation in Africa : a new approach to maintain international peace and security / Barend Louwrens PrinslooPrinsloo, Barend Louwrens January 2012 (has links)
The perpetual conflict in Darfur, Sudan, which started anew in 2003, had dire
humanitarian consequences and threatened international peace and security. The UN
Security Council, which has the primary responsibility for maintaining international
peace and security, adopted Resolution 1769 on 31 July 2007 and authorised a 26 000
person-strong joint African Union/United Nations hybrid operation in Darfur
(UNAMID) to take over from AMIS (the African Union peace operation in Darfur).
UNAMID was established with dual command and control linked to both the African
Union and the United Nations and both organisations would have an equal say in its
mandate and operations. Given this unique and unprecedented arrangement between
a regional organisation and the United Nations in terms of maintaining international
peace and security, the aim of this research was to:
• Understand and describe the political motivations/reasons why the United
Nations formed a hybrid peace operation with the African Union;
• Establish in which way the aforementioned impacted on future efforts of the
United Nations to maintain international peace and security, especially on the
African continent; and, based on this,
• To determine whether or not hybrid operations were a viable alternative for
the United Nations to maintain international peace and security.
By means of a thorough analysis of the theoretical underpinnings of international
peace and security, an assessment of the peace and security architecture of the United
Nations and the African Union, an investigation into the origins of the Darfur conflict,
an examination of the structure and mandate of UNAMID, and through an empirical
investigation, a new theoretical proposition is provided in the conclusion of the thesis.
It is concluded that the UNAMID model, in practical terms, is not an optimal
mechanism for the United Nations to use to maintain international peace and security
because it suffers from numerous internal political inequities and operational
inadequacies. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Political Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012
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Élites dirigeantes, sortie de crise et reconstruction post-conflit dans les États africains de la Région des Grands Lacs.1990-2013 / Governing Elites, end of crisis and post-conflict reconstruction in the African States of the Great Lakes RegionDemba, Guy-Eugène 31 January 2014 (has links)
Depuis plus de deux décennies, un nombre d’Etats africains dits du champ de la Conférence Internationale sur la Région des Grands Lacs sont enlisés dans des conflits armés à la fois intra-étatiques et internationalisés. Du génocide rwandais aux guerres civiles au Congo-Brazzaville, en Angola, en Ouganda, au Burundi, ou encore aux violences politiques armées incessantes en Centrafrique, en passant par la Grande Guerre Africaine en RDC, nombreux et importants sont les mécanismes de résolution de conflits qui ont été expérimentés, de nature aussi bien bilatérale, communautaire, régionale, qu’onusienne. Malheureusement, les concepts de sortie de crise et de reconstruction post-conflit demeurent de vains mots, eu égard aux résurgences et aux prolongements des conflits dans cette Région. Ainsi, en mobilisant l’approche néo-élitiste s’inscrivant dans un dépassement de la réalité empirique, après avoir passé en revue toutes les grandes théories philosophico-politico-sociologiques des élites, défendues par les auteurs classiques comme Wilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca etc., d’un côté, et en recourant à la théorie de Johan Galtung de paix négative versus paix positive, d’autre part, cette étude se propose de mettre en évidence le rôle des élites dirigeantes dans la dynamique de pacification de la Région. Et après avoir défini et déterminé celles-ci, le travail démontre la difficulté de résoudre les conflits due à l’hétérogénéité sociologique caractérisant la Région. Puis, il souligne les mécanismes de l’entretien d’une paix négative par les élites dirigeantes, en interaction avec les autres protagonistes. / For more than two decades, a number of African States within the scope of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region have sunk into both armed intrastate and domestic conflicts. From the Rwandan genocide to civil wars in Congo-Brazzaville, Angola, Uganda, and Burundi, or the constantly armed political violence in the Central African Republic (CAR), through the Great African War in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), numerous and important mechanisms for conflict resolution have been experienced, bilateral, communitarian, regional, as well as Onusian. Unfortunately, the concepts relative to the end of crisis and post-conflict reconstruction still remain empty words, given the revivals and extensions of conflicts in that Region. Thus, by mobilizing the neo-elitist approach which goes the empirical reality, after reviewing all the major elitist philosophical, political and sociological theories defended by the classical authors such as Wilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca, etc. On one hand, and by resorting to Johan Galtung’s theory on negative peace versus positive peace, on the other, this dissertation aims at highlighting the role played by governing Elites in the peace process within the Region. After defining these elites, this monography shows the difficulties of solving conflicts due to the regional sociodemographic heterogeneity. Then, it emphasizes mechanisms for keeping negative peace by the governing Elites, in interaction with other protagonists.
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