Submitted by Valquíria Barbieri (kikibarbi@hotmail.com) on 2017-07-26T22:25:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 _DISS_2014_Eder Carlos Cardoso Diniz.pdf: 1708204 bytes, checksum: df43e96938ad7551d069635e2d730778 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jordan (jordanbiblio@gmail.com) on 2017-08-01T12:04:58Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 _DISS_2014_Eder Carlos Cardoso Diniz.pdf: 1708204 bytes, checksum: df43e96938ad7551d069635e2d730778 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-01T12:04:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 _DISS_2014_Eder Carlos Cardoso Diniz.pdf: 1708204 bytes, checksum: df43e96938ad7551d069635e2d730778 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-21 / Cada vez mais as pesquisas na área da educação e formação do professor têm se preocupado em investigar, sob diversas perspectivas, a formação sindical e política do professor. A pesquisa tem como objetivo averiguar qual o papel do sindicato na formação política do sindicalista professor, que atua na escola pública e como esse professor percebe seu envolvimento e compromisso junto às questões políticas que envolvem a formação. Ancorada na abordagem qualitativa, a análise adota, como instrumentos de coleta de dados, o levantamento bibliográfico, as observações participantes, cadernos de formação, documentos quantitativos do sindicato, entrevistas narrativas junto aos principais líderes sindicais e aos professores sindicalizados que atuam em sala de aula. Por meio de registros de observação participante e da análise documental, a investigação apoiou-se na leitura dos registros, nos dados na legislação e na história do SINTEP/MT. As questões que fomentaram a pesquisa foram: Como a formação político-sindical tem contribuído para a constituição da identidade docente do professor sindicalista na escola pública? Quais as suas influências nas práticas dos sindicalistas professores junto ao coletivo da escola? A formação político-sindical tem contribuído para a constituição da identidade docente do professor sindicalista na escola pública em Mato Grosso? Ficou evidente na presente pesquisa que, desde sua fundação, o Sindicato dos Trabalhadores no Ensino Público de Mato Grosso – SINTEP/MT – preocupou-se com a formação política e sindical de seus filiados. Essa preocupação consubstanciou-se numa política de formação modelo no país, devido ao programa adotado e ao material produzido, sendo este, atualmente, de uso nacional, constituindo-se nos cadernos de formação da Confederação Nacional dos Trabalhadores em Educação – CNTE. Nesse cenário de programa e produção de material, percebeu-se, no interior do SINTEP/MT, que a participação dos sindicalistas faz a diferença quando integrados ao ambiente da escola, pois é perceptível a atuação dos sindicalizados na luta por melhores condições de educação e intervenção em defesa da melhoria da educação pública em Mato Grosso. / There are more and more research in the teacher’s education area and vocational training has been concerned investigating under assorted perspectives meanly in Union training and teacher’s policy. The present research has the objective of explore what role the Union on political formation of trade unionist, teacher who acts in public school and how this teacher realizes his involvement and commitment by the political issues relating with the formation. Anchored in the qualitative approach the research adopts as data collection instruments the bibliographic survey, participating observations, analysis in the notebooks’ formation of SINTEP/MT and Union’s quantitative documents. Also have interviews with the main narratives Union leaders and teachers who work in the classroom and are unionized. Through records of participant observation, document analysis and supported research on the reading of records based on facts and law in the history of SINTEP/MT. The issues which fostered the research were: How the political formation of unions has contributed with the establishment of the teacher's instructor trade unionist identity in public school? What are their influences in the practices of teacher trade unionists by the collective of school? Has the political and trade union training is contributed to the establishment of the teacher's instructor trade unionist identity in public school of Mato Grosso? In this research was evident that since of foundation of the Public Education Workers' Union of Mato Grosso – SINTEP/MT was concerned about the political and trade union training and your affiliates. It results in a development of a policy’s training model in the country due adopted program and material produced that have being currently uses in the national notebooks of formation of the National Confederation of Workers in Education – CNTE. In this scenario the program and the material production was realized within the SINTEP that the unionists ' participation makes a difference when integrated into the school environment because it is noticeable the action of unionized in the struggle for better conditions for education and intervention in defense of public education improvement in Mato Grosso.

A pesquisa foi desenvolvida com o intuito de compreender um pouco da inserção dos evangélicos nas instituições políticas brasileiras, em uma tentativa de articular tal fenômeno com o debate sobre a representação partidária. Por que um \"Partido Evangélico\" não foi formado, embora tal grupo eleja uma quantidade expressiva de representantes em grande parte das eleições desde a última Constituinte? O trabalho empírico consistiu no teste da hipótese de inexistência de uma identidade entre os evangélicos que justificasse o fato de um partido político não ter sido criado. Através de um conjunto de dados sobre os eleitores e outro sobre os deputados estaduais de todo o país, não foi observada a presença de posicionamentos distintos, de uma identidade política que tornasse, tanto os eleitores quanto os deputados evangélicos singulares, diferenciados dos demais grupos. Também foi constatada a fragilidade do modelo de formação de partidos a partir de identidades políticas no caso brasileiro, caracterizado pela alta fragmentação partidária e por uma falta de distinção na maioria dos partidos. / This research was developed with the purpose of understanding the insertion of the evangelicals in the Brazilian political institutions, an attempt to articulate such phenomena with the debate on the partisan representation. It\'s puzzling that an \"Evangelical Party\" was not formed even after the expressive amount of elected representatives this group has had since the last Constituent Assembly. Why is it so? The empirical work consisted in testing the hypothesis that there is no common identity among the various evangelical groups that would justify the existence of a political party. Through a data set of the voters and another one of the representatives of the whole country, the presence of distinct positions was not observed. There isn\'t a political identity that would turn the evangelical voters and representatives distinguished from the others groups. This work also evidenced the fragility of the political parties\' formation model based on identities. In the Brazilian case, this is characterized by a high partisan fragmentation and a lack of distinction between most of the many political parties.

The purpose of this essay is to examine how religion is implemented in Lebanon’s political system. Where the main purpose is to examine how the informants in this study between the ages of 23-32 consider that religion should be implemented in the country’s political system. To reach the purpose of this study, the method that is being used is a qualitative method in form of semi-structured interviews. This study has conducted five semi-structured interviews, where all informants have or are taking post-secondary education.  Historically religion has been a big part of Lebanon, both in terms of looking at the political sphere and the private sphere. Religion has had a prominent role in the identity of the Lebanese population, at the expense of a common national identity. The civil war in Lebanon between 1975 to 1990 was based on a religious context and the unfair proportion of the political positions. To end the war an agreement called Ta’if Accord was implemented in the constitution. Ta’if Accord refers to that the political positions should be distributed between the different religions in the country. Built on the praxis, where the president must be Christian Maronite, the prime minister Sunni Muslim and the chair speaker of the parliament must be Shia Muslim. Therefore, it is of interest in this study lies in examining whether the informants think that religion should be implemented in the political system and if they consider the praxis of the Ta’if Accord to still be relevant in today’s Lebanon.  The study will be using theoretical aspects to reach the purpose. The theoretical perspectives that are being used are primordialism, constructivism, passive and active identity, micro, and macro perspectives. This will be used as a tool to understand how religious and political identity is created in a situation where religion is implemented in the political system. The study shows that all five informants in this essay, think that religion and politics are and should be two separate things. They emphasize that a lot of the conflicts that are occurring in Lebanon today are because religion and politics are closely linked to each other and that political leaders use religion as a tool to justify political decisions.

<p dir="ltr">Appealing to individuals’ social identity is a powerful form of social influence, capable of changing the way people process information, the information they think about, and how they evaluate other people. This form of social influence can function through perceptions of normal behavior within a social group, in which members of a group interpret ambiguous information through the lens of what is considered to be normal in their ingroup. The Social Identity Decision Process hypothesis, based on Social Identity Theory and Probabilistic Persuasion Theory, suggests that group norms associated with a decider's social identity can alter the perceived importance of attributes or cues in a decision environment and the strategies that are used to make choices in situations in which the group identity is salient. Taking the U.S. political landscape as a context and examining Republican and Democrat social identities, norms from these political groups were expected to impact the attributes and strategies partisans use when choosing whether to have solar panels on a house. Two studies are reported that examined these effects through multi-attribute decision making, in which predefined decision process models assessed participant behavior to analyze which attributes best describe participants’ decision making.</p>

This thesis explores the shifting political culture of inter-war Scotland and Britain via an examination of political identities and practice in Aberdeen, Dundee and Edinburgh. Drawing on the local and national archives of the Labour movement and the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) alongside government records, newspapers, personal testimony and visual sources, relations on the political Left are used as a means to evaluate this change. It is contended that, as a result of the extension of the franchise and post-war fears of a rise in political extremism, national party loyalties came to replace those local political identities, embedded in a sense of class, trade and place, which had previously sustained popular radicalism. This had crucial implications for the conduct of politics, as local customs of popular political participation declined, and British politics came to be defined by national elections. The thesis is structured in two parts. The first section considers the extent to which local identities of class and established provincial understandings of popular democracy came to be identified with an appeal to class sentiment excluded from national political debate. The second section delineates the repercussions this shift had for how and where politics was conducted, as the mass franchise discredited popular traditions of protest, removing politics from public view, and privileging the individual elector. In consequence, the confrontational traditions of popular politics came to be the preserve of those operating on the fringes of politics, especially the CPGB, and, as such, largely disappeared from British political culture. This thesis thus offers an important reassessment of the relationship between the public and politics in modern Britain, of the tensions between local and national loyalties, and of the role of place in the construction of political identities.

This thesis examines the relationship between political movements and people during the civil war between Angola’s MPLA government and the UNITA rebels in the Central Highlands region. It shows how conflicting ideas about political legitimacy originating in anticolonial struggle informed leaders’ decisions and formed the basis of their efforts to politicise people. Much existing literature sees civil conflict in terms of rebellion against a state, motivated by grievance or by the desire for loot. I argue against such an approach in the Angolan case, since the MPLA and UNITA originated from different strands of nationalism, and neither achieved complete control over Angola’s territory and people. Instead, I draw on constructivist approaches to statehood in analysing the war as a contest in which both sides invoked ideas of the state in asserting their legitimacy. The MPLA state controlled the cities while UNITA established rural bases and a bush capital, Jamba. Violence, often involving the capture of people, occurred at the margins of the areas of influence. Within each zone, each movement controlled public discourse to make its control hegemonic. Each presented itself as the authentic representative of the Angolan nation and condemned the other movement as the agent of foreign interests. These nationalist claims were given substance by processes of state building, more fully realised by the MPLA than by UNITA. Each movement’s claim to statehood served to legitimise its own violence while criminalising the violence of the other side. Public dissent was prohibited in either zone, but people’s responses to politicisation ranged from genuine support, to co-operating only as necessary to avoid punishment, depending largely on their degree of involvement in the state building process. War itself was central to constituting perceptions of common interest, and political actors’ capacity to manipulate perceptions depended largely on military control.

Cette thèse met en évidence la relation complexe entre l'AK Parti et l'UE, acteur important dans le cadre de la politique extérieure turque mais aussi dans l'existence même de l'AK Parti. Ce parti est arrivé au pouvoir en 2002 juste après sa création en 2001. Depuis lors, l'AK Parti a consolidé sa place et il est ainsi devenu sans conteste l'un des partis les plus importants et les plus forts de l'histoire de la vie politique turque. D'ailleurs, la politique européenne de la Turquie est un sujet qui attire toujours autant l'attention, et cela même à l'heure actuelle où elle n'est plus considérée comme l'axe central privilégié dans la politique extérieure turque et n'existe plus comme auparavant dans l'agenda de l'AK Parti. En effet, comme les négociations avec l'UE ont été entamées avec l'AK Parti, ce sujet retient beaucoup plus l'attention et est devenu un sujet intéressant à analyser car les dirigeants de l'AK Parti viennent de la tradition de la Vision Nationale. En faisant une lecture du parti et, plus précisément, du positionnement de ce dernier envers l'UE, nous avons cherché à comprendre la signification de l'UE et le rôle qu'elle a joué et qu'elle joue encore dans la vie du parti. En conduisant tout d'abord une comparaison entre les politiques européennes de l'AK Parti et celles des partis politiques de la Vision Nationale, notre objectif est de comprendre le positionnement de l'AK Parti dans le système politique turc. Puis, en analysant la vision de l'AK Parti vis-à-vis de l'UE durant les processus électoraux et les référendums, nous avons pu voir l'évolution des politiques européennes de l'AK Parti lors de chaque période électorale et également le niveau d'évolution de l'interaction entre les deux parties. Parallèlement, nous avons essayé de comprendre quelle place détient l'UE parmi les politiques étrangères de ce parti. Même si les politiques européennes ont été, comme pour toute l'histoire politique turque, un élément stable pour l'AK Parti, leur importance ou leur intensité a évolué avec le temps. Par conséquent, pour notre étude, nous avons considéré l'UE comme un acteur invariable, les élections et le temps comme des éléments variables. Cette recherche doctorale vise donc à démontrer le positionnement de l'AK Parti par rapport à l'UE et l'évolution de l'importance de l'UE pour ce dernier depuis sa création en 2001 et à analyser l'AK Parti via ses politiques européennes. / This thesis highlights the complex relationship between the AK Party and the EU, a major player which shapes Turkey's foreign policy and also ensures existence of the AK Party. The party came to power in 2002 just after its establishment in 2001. Since then, the AK Party has consolidated its position and of no doubt has become one of the biggest and the strongest parties in the history of Turkish politics. On the other hand the European policy of Turkey is a subject that still attracts considerable attention, even at the moment when it is no longer considered as privileged central axis of Turkish foreign policy and do not exists as before in the agenda of the AK Party. Indeed, since the negotiations with the EU have been initiated with the AK Party, this subject attracts much more attention and has become an interesting topic to analyze because the leaders of the AK Party came from the tradition of the `National Vision`. By reading of the party and more specifically by analyzing its EU policy, we sought to understand the meaning of the EU and the role it has played and still plays in the existence of the party. By conducting first a comparison between European policies of the political parties of the National Vision and the AK Party, our goal is to understand the positioning of the AK Party in the Turkish political system. Then, by analyzing the EU vision of the party during elections and referendums, we have noted the evolution of European policies of the party during each of those election periods and also the evolution of the level of interaction between two parties. Meanwhile, we tried to understand role of the EU within the scope of the foreign policies of the party. Even though the European policies were considered to be stable elements for the AK Party and Turkish political history, their importance and or intensity has evolved over time. For our study, we decided the EU as an invariable actor, and elections as well as time as variable elements. Therefore, this doctoral dissertation aims to show the position of the AK Party vis à vis the EU, the evolution of the importance of the EU for the latter since its creation in 2001 and lastly to analyze the European policies of the AK Party.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:30:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Simone Jorg.pdf: 1940655 bytes, checksum: cbfe5633fea8d4c986a0ac6f3a342d7d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-05-12 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Constitutes the focus of this research the process of identity construction with emancipatory residents of a village belonging to historical heritage at the federal, state and municipal, the town of "Paranapiacaba ; inserted in a context of intense psychosocial distress, which shows a significant incidence of panic disorders, depression andfrequent cases of suicide. "Vila-rail" of a golden past, administered by the British company Raiway São Paulo, responsible for the economic development of São Paulo, with a railroad as the most profitable in Latin America and one of the most profitable in the world, has entered a period decay caused by a series of political and economic measures triggered by a geopolitical issue - the devaluation of coffee - main export. Remained in a state of utter neglect and devaluation marked by absence and lack of projects of the administration of the Federal Rail Network to the acquisition by the Municipality of Santo André, which is presented in a paper developer and organizer defended in his speech that seeks the participation and leadership popular design for a new identity for the village of Paranapiacaba - a "Village-Tourist." To meet the research objectives, we developed three tests: the first of the historical, geographical, economic and social village, developed through academic research and literature in the region, located on the first part of the survey indicated as historical background. The second analysis, based on literature research and empirical contributions concerning the cross, gave up on the proposal and the possibility of building a new identity project for a tourist town with possible ramifications for the construction of new identity projects for villagers , inserted in the second part of this work defined as theoretical and empirical route. The third analysis, based on the theoretical proposal of identity Ciampa Antonio da Costa, supported by authors of the literature of the area, is linked to the empirical data by completing the analysis of clinical identity, as defined in this second part of the course theoretical-empirical. The material was obtained through analysis of the narrative of the life stories of 11 villagers, old and new, diverse training in different age groups. The survey results showed that the villagers have no real opportunities for building a new identity with a focus on tourism, but the public discourse and legitimized by an instrumental rational logic-finalist asserted to the Identity of a common recognition of evil to maintain the social structure suitable for their purposes - the construction of a claimed identity to the city (village) of St. Andrew, with the pariahs of this process the villagers Paranapiacaba, gaining maximum expression in the numerous actions of ejectment occurred when the purchase of the town in 2001. The literature review expertise, and empirical research on the possibility of building an identity exclusively tourist proves ineffective and weak, both in form of public participation in the segment were found to be unprepared, and by the difficulty of maintaining local economy is supported by a single thread, and recommended investment in new proposals for economic and social development targeting plural, paving the way for the diversity of vocations of the villagers. The lack of recognition of the need for autonomy, has been the common thread of suffering expressed by the villagers who resist nodding through this suffering on the characters, objects that are allocated, and has been shown to cause a series of somatic reactions, psychological and behavioral, for the construction of the character-ill can mean, for many, the only possibility to give some meaning to their identities, heteronomous, clinging to a sense suffering with perhaps superior over an empty existence devoid of meaning that brings reminiscent of the death - but that is still non-life. Respondents also showed the expression of a struggle for recognition of character building-resident and commercial enterprise, resident-who-want-and part-resident entrepreneur, social, legal and moral spheres and social-esteem, however, this struggle is not articulated in a proposition capable of identifying emancipatory aspirations / regulatory standards for the effective recognition of the central question that underlies the sameness of identity - the lack of autonomy - we understand that the change in character to character grantee resident-resident-owner, would be able to demarcate alteration required for the construction project and a recognition of human identity, needed to design effective psychosocial suffering a collective / Constitui-se o foco desta pesquisa o processo de construção de identidades com sentido emancipatório de moradores de uma vila tombada pelo patrimônio histórico a nível federal, estadual e municipal, a vila de Paranapiacaba ; inseridos num contexto de intenso sofrimento psicossocial, no qual figura uma incidência significativa de transtornos do pânico, depressão e casos frequentes de suicídio. Vila-ferroviária de um passado áureo, administrada pela empresa inglesa São Paulo Raiway, responsável pelo desenvolvimento econômico do estado de São Paulo, com uma malha ferroviária considerada a mais rentável da América Latina e uma das mais rentáveis do mundo, entrou num período de decadência provocada por uma série de medidas políticas e econômicas desencadeadas por uma questão geopolítica a desvalorização do café produto principal de exportação. Permaneceu num estado de absoluto abandono e desvalorização marcados pela ausência e falta de projetos da administração da Rede Ferroviária Federal SA à aquisição pela Prefeitura Municipal de Santo André, a qual se apresenta num papel fomentador e articulador defendido em seu discurso que visa o protagonismo e a participação popular para um novo projeto de identidade para a vila de Paranapiacaba uma Vila-Turística . Para atender aos objetivos da pesquisa, elaboramos três análises: a primeira dos aspectos históricos, geográficos, econômicos e sociais da vila, através de pesquisas acadêmicas desenvolvidas na região e literatura pertinente; localizada na primeira parte da pesquisa indicada como percurso histórico. A segunda análise, apoiada em pesquisas e literatura concernente atravessada pelas contribuições empíricas, deu-se sobre a proposta e possibilidade de construção do novo projeto de identidade de uma vila turística com possíveis desdobramentos para a construção de novos projetos de identidade para os moradores da vila; inserida na segunda parte deste trabalho definida como percurso teórico-empírico. A terceira análise, fundamentada na proposta teórica de identidade de Antonio da Costa Ciampa, corroborada por autores da literatura especializada da área, articula-se com os dados empíricos completando a análise da clínica da identidade, assim definida nesta segunda parte do percurso teórico-empírico. O material empírico foi obtido através da análise da narrativa de 11 histórias de vida de moradores da vila, novos e antigos, de formação profissional diversa, em diferentes faixas etárias. Os resultados da pesquisa apontaram que os moradores da vila não dispõem de possibilidades concretas para a construção de uma nova identidade com foco no turismo, mas o discurso público instrumentalizado e legitimado por uma lógica racional-finalista se assevera de uma Política de Identidade de reconhecimento perverso para manter a estrutura social adequada a seus fins a construção de uma pretensa identidade para a cidade (vila) de Santo André, tendo como párias deste processo os moradores da vila de Paranapiacaba, ganhando expressão máxima nas inúmeras ações de reintegração de posse ocorridas quando da compra da vila em 2001. A análise da literatura especialidade, pesquisas e material empírico sobre a possibilidade de construção de uma identidade exclusivamente turística mostra-se inócua e frágil, tanto pela forma de participação do poder público com o segmento ter se mostrado despreparada, quanto pela dificuldade de se manter a economia local sustentada num único segmento, sendo recomendável o investimento em novas propostas de desenvolvimento econômico social de segmentação plural, abrindo espaços para a diversidade vocacional dos moradores da vila. A ausência de reconhecimento da necessidade de autonomia, tem sido o fio condutor do sofrimento expresso pelos moradores da vila que resistem através deste sofrer em assentir às personagens-objetos que lhes são atribuídas; e tem se mostrado capaz de provocar uma série de reações somáticas, psíquicas e comportamentais, pois a construção da personagem-doente pode significar, para muitos, a única possibilidade de dar algum sentido às suas identidades-heterônomas, apegando-se a um sofrimento com sentido talvez superior frente a um vazio existencial desprovido de sentido que traz à reminiscência da morte - mas que ainda é não-vida. Os entrevistados também apresentaram a expressão de uma luta por reconhecimento da construção das personagens morador-empreendedor-comercial, morador-que-deseja-participar e morador-empreendedor-social, nas esferas jurídico-moral e estima-social, no entanto, esta luta não está articulada numa proposição capaz de identificação dos anseios emancipatórios/regulatórios efetivos para o reconhecimento da questão central que sustenta a mesmice identitária a ausência de autonomia entendemos que a mudança da personagem morador-permissionário para personagem morador-proprietário, seria capaz de demarcar a alterização necessária para o projeto de construção e reconhecimento de uma identidade humana, necessária para a elaboração efetiva de um sofrimento psicossocial coletivo

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:31:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Thalita Catarina Decome Poker.pdf: 1481628 bytes, checksum: 8c8308175be34acc9bb58ccbe973f375 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-28 / The purpose of this study is to understand the identitarian construction in the life of a 21 years old girl, based on his socialization process, mediated by identity policies. The young lady, called Molly for this study, needed to be sheltered in her childhood and teenage in the Brazilian's shelter system (orphanage). The aim of the study was also to understand her emancipatory chances in the context of the political identities brought by the sheltering institution. For this research we used the qualitative method, specifically the instrument of life history narratives. The utterances were analyzed in the light of the phrase identity-metamorphosis-emancipation proposed by Ciampa (1987), permeated by politics of identity and political identity (Ciampa, 2002), we attempted to work with the themes chosen by the narrator and the characters unveiled. Identity politics imposed on institutional care were discussed in order to prevent the possibility of autonomy for designing obedient subject - incapable of critical and reflective capacity of the hetero-normative. Molly, to tell his story, articulated between what was imposed to maintain the operation of the institution, and the possibilities of denying such policies, which are carried out through the social recognition of teachers of the school and the couple's godparents, to legitimize the condition child as a subject of rights / O presente estudo tem por objeto compreender a constituição identitária diante do processo de socialização mediado pelas políticas de identidade de uma jovem de 21 anos, chamada neste trabalho de Molly, que no período da sua infância e adolescência necessitou da medida de acolhimento institucional, comumente chamado de abrigo. E entender as suas possibilidades de emancipação, frente as políticas de identidade ofertadas na instituição. Para esta pesquisa foi empregado o método qualitativo, tendo sido privilegiado o instrumento de narrativas de história de vida. Os enunciados foram analisados á luz do sintagma identidade-metamorfose-emancipação proposto por Ciampa (1987), perpassada pelas políticas de identidade e identidade política (Ciampa, 2002), buscou-se trabalhar com os temas eleitos pela narradora e as personagens desveladas. As políticas de identidade instituídas no acolhimento institucional foram desveladas de forma a impedirem as possibilidades de autonomia pela concepção de sujeito obediente incapaz de uma capacidade reflexiva e críticas sobre a heterogestão normativa. Molly, ao contar sua história, articulou entre o que foi imposto para manter o funcionamento da instituição, e as possibilidades de negar tais políticas, que se deram por meio do reconhecimento social das professoras da escola e do casal de padrinhos, ao legitimar a condição de criança enquanto sujeito de direitos

This thesis explores the relationship between the Swedish autonomous left and the terrace culture of European football. It has its geographic starting point in Stockholm, Sweden and follows the three larges tStock­holm football clubs, AIK, Djurgården and Hammarby, and its supporters. The author has followed the football club Hammarby from the terrace for the entire 2011 football season, and has interviewed six political activists who visit, or used to visit, the terrace. The research context this study is incorporated into centres around the history of, and relationship between, the terrace cultures of AIK, Djurgården and Hammarby. Previous research has also focused on the radical potential of Ultras terrace culture (which is derived from Italian supporter culture) and the terrace culture from an intersectional perspective. Part of the aim of the thesis is to explore anarchist theory within an academic framework, something which has rarely been done before. The other main theoretical approach is largely based on the ideas of political theorist Chantal Mouffe and her exploration of the political identity formation of the subject in opposition to the deindividuating effect the mass can have on the individual. The method of the thesis is based on anarchist theories of participatory methods and on walking interviews developed by, among others, geographer Jon Anderson. What the research shows is that the presence of fascist values is much stronger on the terraces ofStockholmthan expected, and that the terrace culture as a whole has adopted a seemingly “apolitical” stance to try and submerge these. The participants’ stories centre on the inability to “loose oneself” in the mass of the terrace, and the feelings this inability awakens. This is the first thesis about the Ultras culture written in a Nordic context.