Thesis (M. A. (Communication Studies)) -- University of Limpopo, 2022 / The purpose of this study was to investigate the approach to land and unemployment as main electoral themes during 2019 elections in South Africa by the ANC and EFF. A qualitative, exploratory research was conducted to determine how these issues were articulated and approached using emotional and cognitive messages in the production of political content. This was to determine the implications of their use regarding issues of emphasis and ownership by political parties on the decision of constituencies. The hubs of data collection for this study were political street posters and Facebook advertisements. This study paid particular focus on the manners in which both parties framed the subjects of land and unemployment. Thus, thematic content analysis was used to determine the themes that emerged from the Facebook advertisements while semiotic analysis was applied on the data that emanated from street posters. The selection of the posters and Facebook political advertisements was guided by the issues the researcher intended to study which reflected on the ANC and EFF political advertisements. A total of 8 posters (N=8) were selected and analysed (4 for each party) and a total of 10 Facebook advertisements (5 for each party) were used for the generation of data in this study. A semi-structured interview was also conducted. The findings revealed that there are connections among political issues, images of politicians and the decision of voters. People vote based on these connections. The study therefore recommends that areas of content production need to be improved in the production of political advertisements, and that scholars need to improve the existing literature on political communication to educate the public (voters) about the persuasive strategies of the political parties

Political advertising on television is a relatively “new” phenomenon in South African general election campaigns (circa 2008). The purpose of this study is to analyse and compare the three sampled 2009 and 2014 African National Congress (A.N.C.) political television advertisements, with a specific focus on the verbal, non-verbal and visual rhetoric in the communication of election campaign messages. To achieve this goal, the study reviewed literature in the subject of rhetoric and post-colonial perspectives in the areas of Afrocentrism and Eurocentrism, focusing specifically on the seminal work of the Afro-centrist, Molefi Asante, and the anti-Western-centric scholar, Samin Amin. The study uses social semiotics (as both a theoretical approach and a research methodological framework). As a theoretical approach, the social semiotic approach was conceptualised by Valentin Voloshinov (1973) and Michael Halliday (1978), and it argues for the creation of social meaning within a text and within a society. The study focuses on the former, the creation of meaning within a text, that is, the content of the three sampled political advertisements. As a research framework, the approach was adapted by Gunther Kress and Theo van Leeuwen (1996). The study favours their social semiotic research method which provide the interpreter/researcher with dimensions, or “tools’, with which to explicate and deconstruct textual meanings. Thus, in this study, social semiotics as part of the broader field of discourse analysis, was used to deconstruct the latent and manifest ideologies of the non-verbal, verbal and visual rhetoric of two 2009 and one 2014 A.N.C. political television advertisements. Using this combined theoretical framework (rhetoric, social semiotics and Afrocentrism and Eurocentrism), and, research approach, it could be determined whether the verbal, non-verbal and visual rhetoric of these three A.N.C. political television commercials represents Afrocentric and/or Eurocentric post- colonial The main findings of the study show that both the visual and verbal rhetoric of the sampled A.N.C. political television commercials represents a combination of a varying ideological constructs, namely the “nationalist”; “socialist”; “liberal feminist”; and, “liberal capitalist ideologies” (cf. Haywood 1998; Thompson 2003). Furthermore, the findings of the study point out that the verbal, non-verbal and visual rhetoric of the selected A.N.C. political television commercials, are neither exclusively Afrocentric nor Eurocentric in nature. Both post-colonial perspectives are represented, in varying degrees, in the sampled A.N.C. commercials. The study makes a significant contribution to the political communication landscape in South Africa, in that, it is an exclusively qualitative content analysis, as opposed to previous, quantitative content-analysis studies (cf. Fourie 2008; Fourie & Froneman 2003; Fourie & Froneman 2001). It is also important to note that as far as can be determined, that this is the first study to use social semiotics, as either a theoretical framework or a research method. The key limitation of the study is that, it only focuses on three purposely sampled A.N.C. election campaign television advertisements, and does not include the political television advertisements of opposition political parties, such as the Democratic Alliance. / Communication Science / M.A. (Communication)

Conditioning theory and research have contributed substantially to a more complete understanding of a variety of social processes including attitude formation, consumer behavior, and interpersonal attraction. The goal of this thesis was to illuminate further another frequently investigated social process, voting behavior.

In an era when adversarial politics is condemned for either being archaic or right-wing extremism, proposing that incivility can be used to counter existing hegemonies, despite its potential to incite violence, is proposing an unorthodox project. By rejecting foundationalist approaches to the current incivility crisis, this study sees an opportunity for it to act as a populist rapture that defies simple binary categorisation and deconstructs incivility, at an ontological level, to reveal the deep meanings and concealed causes that contrast the grand narrative of hate speech. After an overview in chapter one, the study continues with a theoretical review of literature on incivility, guided by the works of radical democracy theorists who universalise what seems particular to Kenya. This review is followed by the description of Bakhtin’s concept of carnivalesque as utani, a joking relationship common in East Africa. For its theoretical perspective, the study is guided by Mouffe’s theory of agonistic democracy and a research method developed by transforming Laclau and Mouffe’s (1985) work in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic, into a method for Discourse Analysis. Various concepts from Laclau and Mouffe’s work are used to innovate an explanation of how political practices in social media, both linguistic and material texts, enhance incivility and the struggle to fix a regime’s preferred meaning. Guided by Laclau and Mouffe’s Discourse Analysis, the study describes how the government is using linguistic tools and physical technologies to repair the dislocation caused by incivility in social media in its attempts to re-create hegemonic practices. Without engaging in naïve reversal of the polarities between acceptable and unacceptable speech, and considering that at the ontological level politics is a friend—enemy relation, the study argues that incivility in social media is part of the return of politics in a post-political era, rather than simple unacceptable speech. While remaining aware of the dangers of extreme speech, but without reinforcing the anti-political rational consensus narrative, incivility is seen as having disruptive counterhegemonic potential, that is, if we consider the powerplay inherent in democracy. It means that binary opposition is blind to the way power produces, and is countered through unacceptable speech. / Communication Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication Science)

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Prior studies on state legislative elections have found gubernatorial coattails playing a key role; however, they fail to examine the temporal and state-based trends of this phenomena. Using precinct level data from nine states (Alabama, Arkansas, California, Minnesota, New York, Oklahoma, Tennessee, Texas, and Wyoming), over two election cycles (2002 and 2006), I measure the importance a state’s ideological makeup, and a governor’s institutional powers has on gubernatorial coattails. Findings reaffirm the importance of coattails, and previously researched variables; however, the addition of the above measures greatly affects coattail strength, dependent on host of controlling factors.

This dissertation examines the political and business career of H. R. “Bob” Haldeman. Scholars studying Richard M. Nixon’s presidency and administration have given very little attention to Haldeman’s career before and after his time as chief of staff. This dissertation argues that in order to understand Haldeman’s actions as chief of staff one needs to have a firm understanding of his career before he entered Nixon’s White House. In contrast to what many have argued, an overt interest in politics and overriding ambition to serve Nixon did not solely drive Haldeman. Instead, the development of Haldeman’s career is best understood through his consistent search for opportunities and activities in which he could alter, reform, or improve existing processes and organizations. Only a study of his entire career brings this motivation to the forefront. Using Haldeman’s recollections, his White House diaries, archival records relating to his business and political career, assessments of the Nixon presidency, and the recently published memoir of his wife, this dissertation provides an in-depth study of his career as a manager in business and politics. This study answers important questions regarding Haldeman’s background, intellectual makeup, and the trajectory of his career by reexamining Haldeman’s work for Nixon and his career in the advertising industry and analyzing how each of these experiences informed his life, skillset, and his managerial behavior. Providing the scholarship with a more complete picture of Haldeman’s life and career augments the understanding of Richard Nixon’s political career and presidency, by filling a critical void with a more comprehensive overview of a close aide and a major figure at the center of the Watergate scandal. An examination of Haldeman’s entire career, moreover, illuminates how significant developments in twentieth century United States political and business history impacted one individual.

<p>The prevalence of social media in political campaigns are changing the face of politics in the United States and abroad. The rapid pace at which this change is occurring demands inquiry into the previously unexplored area of unconventional political campaign messaging practices on social media. Investigation of Donald Trump’s use of tweets as rhetorical strategy in the discursive space of Twitter during the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign revealed a bypass of traditional media and its source verification processes. This circumventing of mainstream media channels facilitated Trump’s deployment of an unchecked ‘broken system’ narrative alleging government corruption</p> <p>and a rigged system. Trump’s tweet discourses tapped into existing feelings of disenfranchisement and disaffection felt by a self-identified politically marginalized segment of society. This study</p> <p>investigates how social media use in political campaigns can serve as a public sphere for contestation of social and political norms. An interdisciplinary theoretical frame comprised of Feenberg’s critical theory of technology, McLuhan’s media ecology, Fraser’s counterpublic spheres, and Iser’s implied reader offer new understandings about the power of anti-establishment discourses and a hybrid discursive space to destabilize governing institutions and redefine social and political identities. Study of Trump’s tweets as rhetorical strategy granted insights into the social and political capacity of alternative truth to undermine the political process. Further, it uncovered the power of social media to awaken and leverage existing political identities for personal political gain.</p>

This dissertation asserts that American political culture faces a crisis of virtue and explores the role of citizens, journalists and politicians in fostering it. The historic election of Barack Obama on a platform of hope and change in 2008 suggests that Americans yearn for an infusion of virtue into political life. I assert, however, that we have lacked a lexicon of political virtue, or any systematic understanding of which virtues we value and which matter most to us. Nor have we understood whether groups who constitute key elements of our democracy—citizens, journalists, politicians, men and women, Democrats and Republicans—value virtues in politics similarly or differently. Without a working knowledge of the anatomy of virtue in the body politic, what is to prevent us from having to change again? By charting the virtue systems of these key groups, I have made explicit what is implicit to reveal that political virtue is more valued—and more present—than Americans likely realize. This exploration, I believe, contributes to the scholarship of political communication by enabling a fuller and more useful understanding of American political culture—and of the contradictions, curiosities, and surprises that enrich it. / text

Abstracts in English and Venda / This study was an investigation of the effect of political communication strategies on voting behaviour. The area of study was Diepsloot in the north of Johannesburg. Various questions were explored such as; what kind of communication strategies have the top three South African political parties (ANC, DA & EFF) used in the past South African general elections in 1999, 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2019, do political parties pre-election communication strategies influence Diepsloot voters voting decision and lastly how do Diepsloot voters relate to domestic political parties' communications and messages during elections period? The study followed a qualitative research paradigm with the use of interviews to gather information. At an aggregate level, it is often said that what political organisations do, say or do not say have a bearing on their supporters when election time arrives. Voting behaviour theories were also utilised as a theoretical foundation for understanding voters' psychic. Broadly, this study aimed to investigate the effects of political communications on voters' decision-making process. The focus was on the top three political parties in South Africa being the African National Congress, The Democratic Alliance and the Economic Freedom Fighters. Using thematic analysis, this study identified a variety of issues that influence voting behaviour. Among other findings, the study revealed that while political communication affects voters' choice, some voters continuously vote for a political party that has some historical importance. Other findings suggest that political communication alone is not enough to lure voters; voters are looking for material benefits when considering who to vote for. The study also revealed that the young generation of voters, mostly referred to as 'born-frees,' are much more engaging before choosing a party of their choice. This is compared to the old block of voters who consider historic achievements when voting; they vote based on what a party is delivering at a particular epoch. / Ndzavisiso lowu wu lavisisa mbuyelo wa tindlela leti mavandla ya tipoliki ya titirhisaka ku gangisa no wonga nseketelo wa vahlawuri. Ndzavisiso lowu wu endliwile endhawini ya Diepsloot, n’walungu wa Joni. Swivutiso swo hambana-hambana swi xopaxopiwile leswi katsaka leswi; Hi tihi tindlela to gangisa tivhoti leti mavandla ya tipolitiki yanharhu lamakulu laha Afrika-Dzonga (ANC, DA & EFF) ya ti tirhiseke ku gangisa tivhoti eka mihlawulo ya mani na mani leyi hundzeke laha Afrika-Dzonga, xana magangiselo ya tivhoti ya mavandla ya tipoliti loko nhlawulo wu nga se fike ya kucetela swiboho swa vahlawuri, xo hetelela, xana vahlawuri va le Diepsloot va khumbeka njhani hi magangiselo ya mavandla ya tipolitiki ya la kaya na marungula ya wona hi nkarhi wa nhlawulo? Ndzavisiso lowu wu landzelele maendlelo ma nxopaxopo wa vundzeni bya hungu kumbe ku kuma vuxokoxoko bya ndzavisiso, leswi vuriwaka ‘qualitative research’ ku ri nkarhi ku tirhisiwa nkambelovutivi ku hlengeleta vuxokoxoko. Ku tala ku vuriwa leswaku leswi mavandla ya tipolitiki va swiendlaka, ku swi vula kumbe va nga swi vuli swi na nkucetelo swinene eka vaseketeri va vona loko nkarhi wa nhlawulo wu fika. Tithiyori ta matikhomelo ya nhlawulo na tona ti tirhisiwile tanihi hi ndlela yo sungula yo twisisa mianakanyo ya vahlawuri. Hi ku angarhela, ndzavisiso lowu wu kongomisiwe eka ku xopaxopa nkucetelo lowu mimbhurisano ya mavandla ya tipolitiki ya va ka na wona eku tekeni ka swiboho hi vahlawuri. Ku langusiwile ngopfu mavandla yanharhu ya tipolitiki eAfrika-Dzonga ku nga African National Congress, The Democratic Alliance and the Economic Freedom Fighters. Hi ku tirhisa vuhleri bya thematetiki, ndzavisiso lowu wu kumile swilo swo hambanahambana leswi kucetelaka matikhomelo ya vahlawuri. Eka swin’wana swa leswi wu nga swikuma, ndzavisiso wu humesele handle leswaku loko migangiso yi khumba swiboho swa vahlawuri, van’wana vahlawuri va ya emahlweni va hlawula vandla leri ri nga na matimu ya nkoka. Swin’wana leswi wu swi kumeke wu bumabumerile leswaku migangiso ya mavandla yi ri yoxe a yi enelanga ku wonga nseketelo wa vahlawuri, vahlawuri va lava na swa le mandleni loko va fanele va vona ku va hlawula vandla rihi. Ndzavisiso lowu wu tlhele wu boxa leswaku vantshwa, vo tala va vona lava vitaniwaka ti ”born-frees” va njhekajhekisa loko va nga se hlawula vandla leri va ri lavaka. Leswi swi hambanile na vanhulavankulu lava va langutaka matimu na leswi vandla ri nga swi fikelela loko vahlawula; va hlawula ku ya hi leswi vandla ri nga eku swiendleni nkarhi lowo leha / Communication Science / M.A. (Communication Science)

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / The Iraq War and the War on Terror were pivotal issues in the presidential race for the White House in 2004. Competing frames about the meaning of September 11, 2001, terrorism, and American power were constructed by the rival candidates and established a limited debate that marginalized alternative interpretations of war and peace. It is likely that the dilemma over U.S. forces in Iraq and the War on Terror will continue to be a major issue in the upcoming 2008 Presidential Election. Therefore, the campaign speeches of the presidential candidates, President George W. Bush and Senator John Kerry, during the 2004 Election regarding terrorism were important to understanding the themes that initiated public debate in the U.S. about the conflict in Iraq and the War on Terror. In this document analysis, these candidates’ public addresses illustrated how the role of the U.S. power to combat terrorism shaped a particular perspective about the post-9/11 world. Ideas that challenged “official” debate about war and national security were excluded from mainstream media coverage of the campaign. In order to examine the narrow debate over terrorism and how alternative “ways of seeing” war have been and continue to be marginalized, this study compared how the candidates framed the war in contrast to anti-war voices. Cindy Sheehan, who is an emergent leader in the peace and social justice movement, and more “official” voices of dissent like Representative Dennis Kucinich, have criticized “official” framing of the war. Dissenting perspectives about the Iraq War and the War on Terror invite a different understanding about U.S. hegemony, terrorism, and the consequences of the War on Terror for foreign and domestic policies. The impact of the war upon domestic policy and national crises, such as the widely televised and heavily criticized federal response to Hurricane Katrina Summer 2005, were examined to explore how domestic crises undermine “official” framing of the Iraq War and the War on Terror and empower alternative understandings of war and peace.