Indigenous and settler relations have been negotiated, and continue to be negotiated in various forms across Canada. This thesis begins from the continued assertions of treaty Elders that the historic Treaty relationships are valid in the form that they were mutually agreed upon and accepted at the time of negotiation. From this assertion, this thesis asks how this mutually agreed upon understanding of Treaty can be understood. In particular, the holistic approach to reading historic treaty draws on the oral history and first hand accounts to provide an understanding of the context and content of treaty. The holistic approach is then applied to Treaty 6 in Alberta and Saskatchewan, as well as the contemporary Treaty process in British Columbia. This provides a critical analysis of the continued negotiation of the relationship between Indigenous Peoples and Settlers, both regarding how historic treaties are understood in Canada, and how contemporary treaty relations continue to be negotiated.

Esta dissertação trata das relações bilaterais sino-russa e sino-brasileira a partir do conceito de parceria estratégica, tal como este aparece na formulação teórica dos chineses. Neste sentido, a análise recai sobre o pensamento político chinês e como este articula uma concepção própria sobre as relações internacionais, na qual é dada uma ênfase às relações bilaterais da China com países aos quais confere peso estratégico no rol de suas relações bilaterais. O conceito de parceria estratégica, neste trabalho, refere-se a relações bilaterais constituídas com um grau de institucionalização de meios de consulta e organismos permanentes entre os Estados, sem com isso em traduzir-se em alianças entre os dois países ou voltadas contra um terceiro Estado. Oficialmente, o termo parceria estratégica aparece na diplomacia chinesa para caracterizar as relações bilaterais da China com o Brasil e a Rússia, por exemplo, entendidas como o tipo de relacionamento mais harmonioso do país asiático com outros Estados, uma vez que a República Popular não constitui mais alianças ou relações de muita proximidade com qualquer membro do sistema internacional. Levando em conta a validade deste conceito de parceria estratégica, são analisadas as relações bilaterais sino-russa e sino-brasileira, para compreender até que ponto é válido o conceito como ferramenta explicativa. / This paper addresses the bilateral Sino-Russian and Sino-Brazilian from the concept of strategic partnership, as it appears in the Chinese theoretical formulation. In this sense, the analysis falls on Chinese political thought and how this articulates its own conception of international relations, in which emphasis is placed on the bilateral relations between China and the countries to which it confers strategic weight. The concept of strategic partnership in this work refers to bilateral relations established with a degree of institutionalization means of consultation and with permanent organs between Member States, without thereby translating into alliances between the two countries or directed against a third State. Officially, the term strategic partnership in China's diplomacy appears to characterize China's bilateral relations with Brazil and Russia, for example, understood as the kind of relationship more harmonious Asian country with other states, since the Republic is not more alliances or relationships very closely with any member of the international system. Taking into account the validity of the concept of strategic partnership, it is discussed Sino-Russian and Sino-Brazilian bilateral relations, in order to understand to what extent the concept is valid as explanatory tool.

Esta dissertação trata das relações bilaterais sino-russa e sino-brasileira a partir do conceito de parceria estratégica, tal como este aparece na formulação teórica dos chineses. Neste sentido, a análise recai sobre o pensamento político chinês e como este articula uma concepção própria sobre as relações internacionais, na qual é dada uma ênfase às relações bilaterais da China com países aos quais confere peso estratégico no rol de suas relações bilaterais. O conceito de parceria estratégica, neste trabalho, refere-se a relações bilaterais constituídas com um grau de institucionalização de meios de consulta e organismos permanentes entre os Estados, sem com isso em traduzir-se em alianças entre os dois países ou voltadas contra um terceiro Estado. Oficialmente, o termo parceria estratégica aparece na diplomacia chinesa para caracterizar as relações bilaterais da China com o Brasil e a Rússia, por exemplo, entendidas como o tipo de relacionamento mais harmonioso do país asiático com outros Estados, uma vez que a República Popular não constitui mais alianças ou relações de muita proximidade com qualquer membro do sistema internacional. Levando em conta a validade deste conceito de parceria estratégica, são analisadas as relações bilaterais sino-russa e sino-brasileira, para compreender até que ponto é válido o conceito como ferramenta explicativa. / This paper addresses the bilateral Sino-Russian and Sino-Brazilian from the concept of strategic partnership, as it appears in the Chinese theoretical formulation. In this sense, the analysis falls on Chinese political thought and how this articulates its own conception of international relations, in which emphasis is placed on the bilateral relations between China and the countries to which it confers strategic weight. The concept of strategic partnership in this work refers to bilateral relations established with a degree of institutionalization means of consultation and with permanent organs between Member States, without thereby translating into alliances between the two countries or directed against a third State. Officially, the term strategic partnership in China's diplomacy appears to characterize China's bilateral relations with Brazil and Russia, for example, understood as the kind of relationship more harmonious Asian country with other states, since the Republic is not more alliances or relationships very closely with any member of the international system. Taking into account the validity of the concept of strategic partnership, it is discussed Sino-Russian and Sino-Brazilian bilateral relations, in order to understand to what extent the concept is valid as explanatory tool.

Democracy was no more than a marginal force during the eighteenth century, unanimously denounced as a chimerical form of government unfit for passionate human beings living in commercial societies. Placed in this context this thesis studies the concept of ‘representative democracy' during the French Revolution, particularly under the Directory (1795–1799). At the time the term was an oxymoron. It was a neologism strategically coined by the democrats at a time when ‘representative government' and ‘democracy' were understood to be diametrically opposed to each other. In this thesis the democrats' political thought is simultaneously placed in several contexts. One is the rapidly changing political, economic and international circumstances of the French First Republic at war. Another is the anxiety about democratic decline emanating from the long-established intellectual traditions that regarded the history of Greece and Rome as proof that democracy and popular government inevitably led to anarchy, despotism and military government. Due to this anxiety the ruling republicans' answer during the Directory to the predicament—how to avoid the return of the Terror, win the war, and stabilize the Republic without inviting military government—was crystalized in the notion of ‘representative government', which defined a modern republic based on a firm rejection of ‘democratic' politics. Condorcet is important at this juncture because he directly challenged the given notions of his own period (such as that democracy inevitably fosters military government). Building on this context of debate, the arguments for democracy put forth by Antonelle, Chaussard, Français de Nantes and others are analysed. These democrats devised plans to steer France and Europe to what they regarded as the correct way of genuinely ending the Revolution: the democratic republic. The findings of this thesis elucidate the elements of continuity and those of rupture between the Enlightenment and the French Revolution.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 3432.pdf: 740264 bytes, checksum: ff2be5b0f3d5b1ba558787ee66b9b702 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-11-26 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / This text aims to study the Fernando Henrique Cardoso s works focusing the author s ideas concerning the industrial society and the brazilian post 1930 s modernization. It is intended to make a short descriptive and theoretical examination about the academic carrer of this intelectual and to analyse part of his political thoughts, which is those of greater theoretical centrality and contribution for the development theories, both the cepalinas and the latin american orthodoxal marxism ones. It is highlighted that one aspect of the existing literal analysis about Cardoso s work is that the brazilian political studies have been underexplored, which take us to revisit this intellectual importance to the study of brazilian society formation. / Esta trabalho tem o objetivo de estudar a obra de Fernando Henrique Cardoso tendo como foco as ideias do autor referentes a sociedade industrial e modernização brasileira do pós-1930. Pretende-se fazer um exame descritivo e teórico sobre o processo de formação acadêmica do intelectual supracitado e analisar parte de seu pensamento político, o qual seja, aquele de maior contribuição e centralidade teórica para os debates sobre dependência e desenvolvimento. Busco observar o diálogo do autor com as teorias do desenvolvimento, tanto cepalinas, como marxistas ortodoxas. Destaco que é um dos aspecto da análise literária existente sobre a obra de Cardoso que dentro dos estudos sobre o pensamento político brasileiro foram pouco explorados, o que nos leva a revisitar a importância deste intelectual para o estudo e para a formação da sociedade brasileira.

Le présent travail propose une édition critique de cinq traités rédigés par l’archevêque de Reims Hincmar (845-882) entre 873 et 882, qui portent tous sur la fonction royale : le De regis persona (873), le De fide Carolo regi seruanda (875), l’Ad Ludouicum Balbum (877), l’Ad Carolum Crassum (879) et l’Ad episcopos pro institutione Carolomanni (882). Les textes édités sont accompagnés d’une traduction originale en langue française. Les oeuvres théologico-politiques d’Hincmar sont replacées dans le contexte politique et intellectuel de l’ensemble carolingien de la seconde moitié du IXe siècle : au moment où des reconfigurations transforment la royauté carolingienne, l’archevêque de Reims, fort de trente années de pratique de la charge épiscopale, entreprend de guider des souverains qui appartiennent à trois générations successives. L’étude des sources révèle l’importance de la Bible, l’emprise de la pensée patristique de la période tardo-antique sur Hincmar, mais également les méthodes de travail et de lecture du prélat rémois. Le commentaire éclaire les éléments du contexte carolingien, ainsi que l’usage original que fait Hincmar des sources littéraires. Se dégage ainsi la vision du pouvoir que forge progressivement l’archevêque de Reims, en regard du pouvoir de l’évêque, garant et double du roi, dans le cadre d’un discours parénétique. / This study gives a critical edition for five treatises written by archbishop of Rheims Hincmar (845-882), between 873 and 882, the aim of which is to define the royal function : De regis persona (873), De fide Carolo regi seruanda (875), Ad Ludouicum Balbum (877), Ad Carolum Crassum (879) and Ad episcopos pro institutione Carolomanni (882). An original French translation complements this edition. Hincmar’s theological and political works are situated in the political and intellectual context of the second half of the ninth century : when carolingian kingship underwent successive reconfigurations. The archbishop of Rheims, thanks to thirty years of practice of episcopal function, tries to guide three generations of Carolingian kings. The enquiry into the sources reveals firstly, the importance of the Bible; secondly, the weight of late antique patristic thought; thirdly the work and reading methods of the bishop. The commentary highlights various elements of the Carolingian context and the original way Hincmar uses his sources. The vision of power he progressively develops thus comes to light, regarding the power of the bishop, warden and double of the king, within an exhortative discourse.

Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2014-02-07T19:13:46Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Paranhos, Adriano-Dissert-2013.pdf: 666382 bytes, checksum: 1084c06ca2d8dec746538bb996b26d28 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-02-07T19:13:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Paranhos, Adriano-Dissert-2013.pdf: 666382 bytes, checksum: 1084c06ca2d8dec746538bb996b26d28 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Essa pesquisa analisou as ideias jurídicas e políticas de José de Alencar no período de 1855 à 1877. Três temas foram privilegiados: primeiro tratamos do pensamento de lencar no tocante a constituição. Em seguida, as ideias sobre a codificação civil produzida por esse publicista. E por fim, as concepções de Alencar no momento da discussão da “reforma do elemento servil”, no final da década de 1860. Sobre esse último ponto, foram analisadas o pensamento produzido por ele quando ministro da justiça e parlamentar. Trabalhamos com diversos tipos de fontes: jornalísticas, manuscritas, Anais do parlamento, panfletos e livros ficcionais e analíticos. / This research analyzed the legal and political ideas of José de Alencar in the period from 1855-1877. Three themes were privileged: the first one deals with Alencar’s thought regarding the constitution. Then the José de Alencar ideas of civil codification. Lastly, Alencar’s conception during the discussion of “reform servile element” in the late 1860s. On this last point, we analyzed his thoughts when we was the justice minister and parliamentarian. We work with different types of sources as: journalistic, manuscript, Annals of parliament, pamphlets and fictional or analytical books.

La thèse est le résultat d’une recherche menée en sciences du langage : lexicologie, sémantique lexicale et analyse du discours. Elle s’appuie sur les sources primaires du droit de l’Union, les sources doctrinales de la Doctrine Sociale de l’Eglise et des corpus de textes doctrinaux (juridiques allemands), ainsi que sur une relecture de sources philosophiques : aristotélisme, thomisme, kantisme et romantisme allemand. Il est généralement avancé par la doctrine juridique européenne (en France, MILLON-DELSOL, 1991, CONSTANTINESCO, 1991), que le principe de subsidiarité, règle de droit positif européen (traité de Maastricht - 1993) défini à l’article 3B (5TUE), aurait initialement été théorisé par la Doctrine sociale de l’Eglise au 20e siècle (Pie XI, Quadragesimo Anno, 1931). La règle « directive » (CORNU, Vocabulaire juridique, 2015) aurait toutefois été délestée de sa charge philosophique et théologique problématique pour s’apparenter à une règle de procédure. Sur le plan linguistique, la forme française subsidiarité serait un emprunt francisé du néologisme allemand Subsidiarität.Nombreux auteurs soulignent le caractère ambigu, polysémique ou gigogne d’une notion « plus politique que juridique » (DU GRANRUT, 1997, BARROCHE, 2012). Cet « élément juridique communautaire » (Rapport parlementaire DE LA MALENE, 1996-1997), introduit par J. Delors et A. Spinelli dans les années 1980, aurait eu pour vocation de désamorcer les conflits relatifs à la caractérisation constitutionnelle de l’Union Européenne. Il permettrait également d’organiser de manière souple la réalisation des objectifs politiques communautaires définis par les Traités européens dans le domaine des « compétences partagées » (TUE). La thèse s’attache à montrer les incohérences des hypothèses linguistiques relatives au rattachement de cette notion et de sa forme linguistique (subsidiarité, substantivation de subsidiaire (secours, renfort d’un élément inférieur à une chose supérieure, initialement en contexte militaire latin)), ainsi qu’à son rattachement à des sources philosophiques et théologiques en particuliers thomistes et personnalistes.Une recherche sur l’étymon latin et de l’occurrence allemande (Subsidiarität), tend à montrer que la forme subsidiarité désigne initialement le droit romain (subsidiäres Recht), occurrence régulière de la doctrine juridique allemande, tout au long du 19e siècle. La thèse présente donc les résultats d’un repérage et de la collecte d’un corpus d’occurrences de subsidäre(r) Recht/Staat, Subsidiarität, Subsidiarität der Staat, Subsidiär-Prinzip, Subsidiaritätsprinzip, Grundsatz der Subsidiarität, Prinzip der Subsidiarität, dans les œuvres de la science allemande du droit, en particulier chez les membres de l’Ecole historique du droit (F. K. VON SAVIGNY) et chez les premiers formalistes (Paul LABAND, Georg JELLINEK) et penseurs allemands de l’Etat de droit (Robert VON MOHL, Julius VON STAHL). Le travail discute cette occurrence comme une formule discursive, c'est-à-dire un mot d’ordre politique allemand, qui se diffuse dans la science juridique et dans les œuvres de l’école historique d’économie, tout au long du 19e siècle. Initialement, il est un mot d’ordre historiciste, avancé par Savigny dans la Querelle de la codification qui traverse les Etats allemands de l’Ancien Empire Romain Germanique, à partir du Congrès de Vienne (1814). L’occurrence (adjectivale et adverbiale) se diffuse par la suite et devient un motif de l’Etat de droit social (en particulier à partir de R. VON MOHL, 1829), se substantive, devient un principe juridique (relations les ordres juridiques régionaux et fédéraux), puis pénètre la terminologie économique (Etat subsidiaire, devoir subsidiaire de l’Etat dans l’assistance aux pauvres). Son motif conditionne le vote des premières lois dites « sociales » sous Otto von Bismarck. / The PhD is the result of a research carried out in the sciences of language: lexicology, lexical semantics and discourse analysis. It is based on the primary sources of European Union law, the doctrinal sources of the Church's Social Doctrine and the corpus of German legal doctrinal texts, as well as a rereading of philosophical sources: Aristotelianism, Thomism, Kantism and romanticism.It is generally argued by European legal doctrine (in France, MILLON-DELSOL, 1991, CONSTANTINESCO, 1991) that the principle of subsidiarity, a rule of positive European law (Maastricht Treaty - 1993) defined in Article 3B), would initially have been theorized by the Social Doctrine of the Church in the 20th century (Pius XI, Quadragesimo Anno, 1931). The "directive" rule (CORNU, Legal Vocabulary, 2015), however, would have been relieved of its problematic philosophical and theological position in order to resemble a procedural rule. On the linguistic level, the French form subsidiarity would be a francized loan of the German neologism Subsidiarität.The PhD focuses on the inconsistencies of the linguistic hypotheses related to the connection of this notion and its linguistic form (subsidiarity, substantivation of the adjective subsidiary (relief, reinforcement of an element lower than a superior thing, initially in a Latin military context), as well as its attachment to philosophical and theological sources, in particular Thomists and personalists.A search for the Latin etymon and the German occurrence (Subsidiarität) tends to show that the subsidiarity form originally designates the Roman law (subsidiäres Recht), a regular occurrence of German legal doctrine throughout the 19th century. The PhD therefore presents the results of a retrieval and collection of a corpus of occurrences of subsidäre (Recht/Staat, Subsidiarität, Subsidiarität der Staat, Subsidiär-Prinzip, Subsidiaritätsprinzip, Grundsatz der Subsidiarität, Prinzip der Subsidiarität) in the works of the German legal science, especially among the members of the Historical School of Law (FK VON SAVIGNY) and the first formalists (Paul LABAND, Georg JELLINEK) and German thinkers of the Rule of Law VON MOHL, Julius VON STAHL).The work discusses this occurrence as a discursive formula, that is to say a German political slogan, which is diffused in the legal science and in the works of the historical school of economics, throughout the 19th century. Initially, it is a historicist slogan, advanced by Savigny in the Quarrel of the codification which crosses the German states of the Old Germanic Roman Empire, starting from the Congress of Vienna (1814). The occurrence (adjectival and adverbial) is subsequently disseminated and becomes a motive of the social law state (especially from R. VON MOHL, 1829), becomes substantive, becomes a legal principle (relations legal orders Regional and federal), then penetrates the economic terminology (Subsidiary State, subsidiary duty of the State in assisting the poor). His motive conditioned the vote of the first laws called "social" under Otto von Bismarck.The PhD attempts to demonstrate that the pontifical occurrence of 1931 is a late borrowing from these different theoretical and doctrinal sources and not a Catholic neologism.

L'émancipation de la pensée politique américaine de ses sources européennes était un processus à plusieurs facettes. Au cœur de ce processus d'émancipation intellectuelle des jeunes États-Unis était la notion de la souveraineté, qui doit être selon l'historien Gordon Wood considérée comme l'abstraction la plus important de la politique dans l'ère révolutionnaire. Un des contributeurs les plus important au débat sur la notion de la souveraineté était James Madison (1751-1836), surtout connu comme le père de la constitution américaine, comme l'auteur du Fédéraliste avec Hamilton et Jay et comme le quatrième Président des États-Unis. La thèse cherche à reconstituer la contribution de Madison à l'américanisation de la souveraineté en s'appuyant sur ses propres discours et écrits. Les analyses montrent qu'il proposait notamment une souveraineté à double face : quant à la dimension intérieure, il défendait l'idée d'une souveraineté limitée, qui s’avérerait dans sa forme spécifique comme une particularité : le constitutionnalisme américaine. Quant à la politique extérieure, il concevait en revanche une souveraineté plutôt illimitée et en plein extension, qui se développait au cours de sa carrière petit à petit à une conception largement en accord avec les postulats du système westphalien des États européennes. Pour éclairer les implications politiques pratiques de ce raisonnement, on peut formuler un « théorème de Madison », qui récapitule le rapport particulier entre souveraineté interne et souveraineté externe dans sa pensée politique : L'état libérale et sécularisé vit des conditions, qu'il doit garantir par sa politique étrangère. Cette reformulation d'une citation fameux du juriste allemand Böckenförde décrit non seulement la sensibilité de Madison pour la nature précaire de la liberté dans une démocratie constitutionnelle, mais aussi sa conviction que la probabilité de la violence des factions dans la république américaine peut non seulement être réduite par les remèdes républicains de la politique intérieure comme la constitutionnalisation, la démocratisation, la séparation des pouvoirs, le principe de la représentation ou la fédéralisation, mais aussi par les valves de sécurité fournis par la politique étrangers, notamment la disponibilité d'un grande nombre des terrains pour le développement du peuple américaine et les conditions commerciales favorables qui facilitent l'accès aux marchés étrangères pour les produits américaines. / The emancipation of American political thought from its European origins was a multi-layered process. The concept of sovereignty which was according to the renowned historian Gordon Wood the "single most important abstractions of politics in the entire Revolutionary era", was at the heart of this intellectual emancipation process in the early years of United States of America. One of the most important contributors to this debate was James Madison (1751-1836), a politician known as the father of the American constitution, revered as one of the authors of the Federalist Papers, alongside Hamilton and Jay, and remembered as the fourth President of the United States of America. The thesis aims to reconstruct the contribution of Madison to the Americanization of sovereignty by analyzing his speeches, essays and private correspondence. These analyses suggest that Madison proposed a double-faced concept of sovereignty. Concerning the internal dimension of sovereignty, he defended the idea of a limited sovereignty in the form of American constitutionnalism. Concerning the external dimension of sovereignty, he imagined a sovereignty without those limits and in continuous extension, an idea he developed during the course of his career into a concept which was in line with the postulates of the westphalian system of the European nation states. To illustrate the political implications of this line of reasoning, I suggest one can formulate a "Madison theorem" characterizing the particular link between internal and external sovereignty in his political thought: The liberal secularized state lives by prerequisites, that he should guarantee through his foreign policy. This reformulation of a statement by the renowned German jurist Böckenförde does not only describe Madison's consciousness for the precarious nature of liberty in constitutional democracies, but also his conviction that the probability of the violence of factions in the American republic cannot only be reduced by republican remedies in the field of domestic policy, like constitutionnalisation, democratization, the separation of powers, the principle of representation or Federalisation. But that the probability of the violence of factions can also be reduced by safety valves provided by foreign policy, like the availability of land for the development of the American people or favorable commercial conditions facilitating the access for american products to foreign markets.

La République de Pologne-Lituanie, par sa forme de gouvernement unique, a suscité l’intérêt d’auteurs français fondamentaux tels que Théodore de Bèze, Jean Bodin, Montesquieu, Voltaire et Jean-Jacques Rousseau, mais aussi de penseurs aujourd’hui moins connus, comme Jean Boucher, Claude de Rubis ou Nicolas Baudeau. La Pologne apparaît dans la littérature politique française dès 1573, date à laquelle Henri de Valois fut élu roi de Pologne, jusqu’en 1795, moment de la disparition de la carte de l’Europe de l’État polono-lituanien. Malgré cette présence continue, elle ne fut que très peu étudiée dans l’historiographie française. Pourtant, elle représente une clé de lecture passionnante pour éclairer les débats politiques français de l’époque moderne, ce qu’entreprend de démontrer cette thèse. / The Republic of Poland-Lithuania, with its unique form of government, aroused the interest of fundamental French authors such as Théodore de Bèze, Jean Bodin, Montesquieu, Voltaire or Jean-Jacques Rousseau, but also the attention of less known thinkers like Jean Boucher, Claude de Rubis or Nicolas Baudeau. Poland appeared in French political literature in 1573, when Henri of Valois was elected king of Poland, until 1795, when the Polish-Lithuanian state disappeared from the map of Europe. Despite this continuous presence, it has been insufficiently analyzed in the French historiography. Yet, it represents a fascinating key for reading the French political debates of the modern era. This thesis aims at demonstrating it.