Learning happens informally and incidentally in social struggle, yet it has not been the focus of many studies. When critical adult education scholars research the role of learning and education in transforming society, their analysis is centred on the role of capitalism, or the role of civil society. Critical adult education theory is caught in a debate between radical pluralist and socialist traditions---traditions that guide the role of education and educators in transforming society. Addressing this polemic, I draw on antiracist feminist scholarship to propose an analytical framework that takes into consideration the interdependence of systems of domination; namely, white supremacy, patriarchy and capitalism. / In this study, I focus on young female activists' experiences and learning in social struggle. I rely on interviews and a participatory research project conducted with a group of young facilitators working with girls in an elementary school. The role of oppression and domination in social movements and in emancipatory projects is explored. Learning is found to be situated in particular historical contexts and to be influenced by underlying social dynamics inherent to social struggle. It is also found to be contradictory---it both inhibits and fosters change. / This study is my praxis. It is a back and forth between grassroots practice and research. It engages activists in thinking critically about their actions and uses various written texts to reflect their stories back to them, and to broader audiences. In the tradition of feminist and participatory research, I use this study as a catalyst for learning and for transforming practice.

Thesis (M.A.)--Brigham Young University. Dept. of Communications, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 106-111).

No description available.

This thesis is a contribution to the field of public history, which the author and others at the University of the Western Cape's History Department have over the last decade pioneered in defining and mapping out in South Africa. Rassool's theories about the relationship between history and biography were developed in relation to the life of the Unity Movement leader, I.B. Tabata.

No description available.

Abstract not available

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2003. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 390-404). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Psy.D.)--Rutgers University, 2009. / "Graduate Program in Clinical Psychology." Includes bibliographical references (p. 132-136).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2003. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 390-404). Also available on the Internet.

This dissertation examined the lives and motives of militants in the Parti Quebecois in 1987 and 1988, at the end of a phase of demobilization for this organization in the Quebec independence movement. / This study found that most PQ militants were francophone males under 40 years of age, with college degrees. They worked at jobs which would make them part of the intelligentsia, and along with some students, worked in francophone contexts. They often came from political homes, especially "nationalist" ones, and some militants felt hostility towards "les anglais". Most were actively involved in previous voluntary associations, especially activist organizations. They were recruited young and had prior attitudinal affinity. Most were self-recruited, while the others were recruited through family and friend networks. Their principal motive for joining was a set of ideological beliefs about Quebec independence, and they experienced no pressure to become a member. Most future militants, began by giving some casual labour to the PQ and then were invited to participate in more responsible positions. While a few militants stayed as "casual labour", the rest became "cadre" who worked part-time benevolently or "careerists" who received full-time jobs and salaries. The casual labour and cadre militants worked irregular hours, and had distinct preferences for and against certain types of political tasks. Most militants joined to further Quebec independence but intraparty conflict pitted youthful Johnsonists against older orthodox militants in 1987 and 1988. Among those militants who quit, most led busy, well-adjusted lives after the PQ, which were directed towards personal goals such as jobs or further education. / The data pointed out that the PQ militants were motivated to join by grievances such as the minorization of French-Canadians within Canada, fears about the French language and culture in Quebec, discontent with federalism, and to a lesser extent, status inequality and economic domination by anglophones. These grievances and aspirations for greater political autonomy for Quebec were the principal internal motives. The collective incentive of independence and the supporting beliefs that it would bring political autonomy, international prestige and cultural protection were the most important determinants of whether or not a militant would join the PQ. Many militants spoke of the selective incentives gained through militancy, especially the social, educational and political benefits. Altruism existed in small doses, but by-and-large, people volunteered their time to the PQ because it benefitted them. Finally, expectancy of success was a necessary factor for militant motivations. The 1980 referendum defeat appeared to be the cause of the factionalism which dominated the phase of demobilization in the Parti Quebecois from 1980 to the Fall of 1988. / The motives for staying or leaving after years of commitment were similar to and different from the motives for joining. The most important factor affecting a militant's decision to leave was the collective incentive. If the party's overall goal changed, many militants quit. Some militants of the losing faction stayed attached to the party due to social ties, paid positions, and the lack of viable alternative parties. Those militants who had some weaker ethnic group grievances, who believed less in the benefits of independence for Quebec, who enjoyed less certain organizational incentives, and were more pessimistic about the chances of success for their political party and social movement were more likely to be demobilized. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)