Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This work, entitled Argumentation and political discourse: a proposal for the Portuguese Language teaching in the final grades of Elementary School, presents a suggestion for the application of the mother tongue from oral / written argumentative. It is based on concepts of orality, text production, argumentation and political discourse in the view of many scholars, as Aristóteles (2013), Bakhtin (1997, 1981), Fiorin (2015), Fulaneti and Bueno (2013), Grácio (2010, 2013), Koch (2011, 2012, 2015), Marcuschi (2008), Osakabe (2002), Perelman e Tyteca (2005), and others; the norms of the National Curriculum Parameters (1997, 1998) and the National Curriculum Guidelines for Basic Education (2013). It aims to propose the development of the capacity of critical thinking, reflective reading, organization of ideas, enabling elementary school students (9th grade) of a state college, located in Campo do Brito / SE, for the competence of argumentative communication, with oral and written textual activities, from language understanding as a form of interaction in order to optimize the capacity of analysis and the construction of arguments in political discourse. The speeches will be observed, compared and analyzed on viewpoint of argumentation and confronted with problems experienced by the general population, using records, photos and interviews, collected by students in the community. And, in the final stage, after discussion and reflection on the political role and about which main questions need further attention of public authority, we propose a written textual production of a letter to the people, consistent, covering the problems found and the suggestion of proposals, guided in arguments. The proposal is replace a purely legal education to a more reflective teaching with opportunities for reading, debates, with oral and written production, significantly, considering that reading, interpretation, writing and argumentation are essential in language learning, understanding teaching as an interactive activity of expression for critical student, autonomous, thinks about what he will write, who will write for, and the object of production. It proposes a teaching practice with emphasis on argumentative strategies in order to form a student reader / producer of texts, allowing the exercise of citizenship. / Este trabalho, intitulado Argumentação e discurso político: uma proposta para o ensino de Língua Portuguesa nas séries finais do Ensino Fundamental, apresenta uma sugestão para a aplicação da língua materna a partir do oral/escrito argumentativo. Parte dos conceitos de oralidade, produção textual, argumentação e discurso político sob a ótica de diversos estudiosos, como Aristóteles (2013), Bakhtin (1997, 1981), Fiorin (2015), Fulaneti e Bueno (2013), Grácio (2010, 2013), Koch (2011, 2012, 2015), Marcuschi (2008), Osakabe (2002), Perelman e Tyteca (2005), entre outros; os preceitos dos Parâmetros Curriculares Nacionais (BRASIL, 1997, 1998) e as Diretrizes Curriculares Nacionais da Educação Básica (2013). Objetiva propor o desenvolvimento da capacidade do senso crítico, da leitura reflexiva, da organização das ideias, habilitando alunos do Ensino Fundamental (9º ano) de um colégio da rede estadual, situado em Campo do Brito/SE, para a competência da comunicação argumentativa, com atividades textuais orais e escritas, a partir do entendimento de língua enquanto forma de interação, visando à otimização da capacidade de análise e à construção da argumentação no discurso político. Os discursos serão observados, comparados e analisados do ponto de vista da argumentação e confrontados com problemas vivenciados pela população em geral, a partir de registros coletados na comunidade, pelos discentes, via fotos e entrevistas. E, na etapa final, após discussões e reflexão acerca do papel do político e sobre quais principais quesitos precisam de uma maior atenção por parte dos dirigentes públicos, propomos a produção textual escrita de uma carta aberta, de forma coerente, que contemple os problemas encontrados e a sugestão de propostas, pautadas em argumentos. A proposta é sair de um ensino puramente normativo para um ensino mais reflexivo, com espaços de leitura, debates, numa produção oral e escrita, de forma significativa, considerando que leitura, interpretação, escrita e argumentação são essenciais no aprendizado da língua, entendendo o ensino como uma atividade interativa de expressão em que o aluno crítico, autônomo, pensa no que vai escrever, para quem vai escrever, e no objeto da produção. Propõe uma prática de ensino com ênfase para as (nas) estratégias argumentativas, a fim de formar um aluno leitor/produtor de textos, permitindo o exercício da cidadania.

Orientador: Jose Alves de Freitas Neto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Cienciaa Medicas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-13T03:03:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_RafaelPavanide_M.pdf: 769239 bytes, checksum: 224154f48b9eb63c28f91f4c4eb328a5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: O presente texto tem por objetivo apresentar e problematizar as transformações ocorridas no discurso político de Lázaro Cárdenas sobre a Revolução Mexicana, sobretudo no período que vai de 1934 a 1940. Por este caminho, busquei questionar os resultados políticos de tais mutações, principalmente no que se refere às suas possibilidades enquanto legitimadoras do poder presidencial e do novo governo estabelecido, tendo em vista que as situações nas quais se produziram tais alterações foram os sucessivos conflitos enfrentados pelo governo: em 1935-36, a disputa com Plutarco E. Calles, em 1938, a nacionalização do petróleo e, a partir daí, as acaloradas contendas políticas rumo às eleições para renovação do governo federal em 1940, como a rebelião cedillista ainda em 1938. Estes conflitos permitem destacar a importância da reconstituição do passado revolucionário como prática essencial da política cardenista e do próprio discurso como imprescindível na constituição da prática política. Ao considerar que os usos da Revolução constituíram um traço marcante dos discursos do general mexicano, o presente estudo busca o entendimento das propostas políticas, das disputas ideológicas e das relações de poder no período por meio dos conflitos em torno da construção de um simbolismo revolucionário. Pretende-se, com isso, tanto ressaltar a especificidade da história mexicana quanto os limites das políticas de Cárdenas frente às abordagens historiográficas que tendem a homogeneizar os regimes políticos da Ibero-América dos anos 1930 e 1940. Assim, ao refletir sobre as transformações do discurso de Cárdenas, busco também um debate específico com parte da bibliografia do tema, pois, à medida que se destaca a constante necessidade de adaptação da retórica cardenista, negociando com importantes interlocutores, é possível matizar a historiografia revisionista que, em uma leitura teleológica, atribuiu o mesmo poder e autoritarismo do estado mexicano dos anos 1960 ao dos anos 1930. Deste modo, ao propor o cardenismo como um fenômeno a ser pensado dentro dos marcos estabelecidos pela Revolução Mexicana, apresenta-se uma crítica à leitura do populismo cardenista, que produziu a idéia de um presidente simplesmente manipulador com um discurso antitético em relação a uma suposta realidade política, assim como ignorou especificidades do período buscando comparações com diferentes lideranças latino-americanas / Abstract: This work intends to present and to render problematic about the changing of Lázaro Cárdenas thought about Mexican Revolution, especially on the period of 1934 until 1940. Thus, I wanted to argue the political results and its consequences, mainly whether these results legitimated his president power and the new government established from that time on, because the circumstances in which those changes appeared were througout the successives conflicts that his government had to face: in 1935-36, there was the dispute with Plutarco E. Calles; in 1938, there was the petroleoum nationalization and, furthermore, the angy political fights marching on coming election for government renovation in 1940, as well the cedillista rebelion in 1938. These conflicts permit us to put on relief how important is to rebuild the revolutionary past as an essencial exercise of cardenista politic and as a vital part of political frame. Considering that the Revolution way of using composed an important aspect of Cárdenas speech, this work aims to understand political propositions, ideological disputes and power relationships on this time, observing the revolutionary simbolism construction. Therefore, the aim is detach the specificity of Mexican history, as well the politic of Cárdenas, even so the historiography has been broaching it like something homogeneous to other political governments in Iberian America among 1930 and 1940 years. Thus, to think about Cárdenas behaviour, I wanted to argue particularly with this bibliography, because there is a need to adapt his rethoric and understand that the revisionist historiography must be contested, given they made a teleological interpretation when imputed to Cárdenas the same power and authoritarianism that happened in Mexico on 1960's and 1930's. Therefore, my propose was to think the cardenismo as a peculiarity extremely limited within the frameworks established by the Mexican Revolution, and to present a criticism of the interpretation that see Cárdenas like a handler simply, who had a anti-ethical speech for an alleged political reality, ignoring the particularities of time, looking for comparisons with various Latin American leaders / Mestrado / Politica, Memoria e Cidade / Mestre em História

Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-29T15:22:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao luiz fernandes.pdf: 553158 bytes, checksum: 8471ccb04c568beedb227fa26fa836f9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-04-03 / Based on qualitative researches done by political marketing group during the elective period aimed the legitimacy of political discourse on the free tv elective program, this work verifies the not hegemonic possibilities of civil society in building the agenda of that discourse and, as a result, empowering the democracy and the citizenship. The political rationality of the poor citizens was investigated by comparing it to the dominant classes. this study also investigated the subjects and perceptions raised in the qualitative researches and its match to the public interest to the political citizenship, besides its reflection in the tv program. The methodology was the same suggested by palacios (2007) in digital journalism. first, a literature review was done considering democracy and citizenship concepts. after that, the research object was delimited- the elective discourse on free tv elective program, followed by the citizen agenda hypothesis. then, analysis categories to do the empirical study seen in here as a case study was created by using qualitative researches done during municipal election in 2008 in Goiânia. It was done in two moments. in the first (pre-elective, 45 days before the propaganda ruled by elective justice court) the collected material was analyzed according to oliveira´s interactive methodology (2007). in the second moment, the results were compared to the free tv elective program conducted by the winner candidate.The conclusion is that citizenship is not a factor of influence in the political discourse agenda. it is not due to other discourses such as the media , negative propaganda or interferences in political field, but because there is a consolidate idea among poor citizens against political discussions in primary communicative spaces, where micro or alternative public spheres could exist. there were not agreements or understandings among those citizens which could convince the politicians to include them in their discourses / Tomando como base as pesquisas qualitativas, realizadas pelo marketing político no período eleitoral, com o objetivo estratégico de legitimar o discurso político no Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral, esse trabalho verifica as possibilidades contra-hegemônicas da sociedade civil de fazer o agendamento desse mesmo discurso, fortalecendo a democracia e a cidadania. Procurou-se investigar a racionalidade política nos subcidadãos das classes subalternas, em comparação com as classes privilegiadas ou classes dominantes; verificar os temas e percepções levantadas nas pesquisas qualitativas e sua aproximação do interesse público e da cidadania política, bem como seus reflexos no discurso político eleitoral transmitido através do HGPE. A metodologia utilizada nesta dissertação foi a de Palácios (2007) para estudar o jornalismo digital. Inicialmente foi realizada uma revisão bibliográfica sobre os conceitos de democracia e cidadania para, em seguida, delimitar o objeto dessa dissertação que é o discurso eleitoral veiculado através do Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral e formular hipótese de agendamento cidadão. Num terceiro momento, foram elaboradas as categorias de análise para a realização do estudo empírico por meio de um estudo de caso utilizando as pesquisas qualitativas nas eleições municipais de 2008 em Goiânia, em dois momentos: o primeiro, pré-eleitoral, iniciado um mês antes da eleição, e outro, eleitoral, durante os 45 dias de propaganda estabelecida pela Justiça Eleitoral. O material coletado foi processado e analisado com base na Metodologia Interativa de Oliveira (2007) e, ao final, comparado com o HGPE do candidato vencedor do pleito.A conclusão a que se chegou é que a cidadania não tem grande influência como fator de agendamento do discurso político eleitoral. Não porque divide com outros fatores a possibilidade de agendamento do discurso político no caso: a mídia, a propaganda negativa e as interferências do campo político , mas sim porque há uma consolidada aversão dos eleitores das classes subalternas em levar para os espaços comunicativos primários a discussão política que transformaria esses espaços em micro esferas públicas ou esferas públicas alternativas e, conseqüentemente, permitisse a realização de um consenso que chegue a um lugar de entendimento que contemple a todos e possa ser apresentado como argumento de convencimento dos atores políticos para se fazer o agendamento cidadão

The central focus of this Master's thesis is to describe the ways the elements of linguistic expressivity used in political speeches are transformed in French-to-Czech simultaneous interpreting. In the introductory part of the present thesis, we provide a summary of previous research on the means of expressivity in political speeches, which is completed by a description of the process of simultaneous interpreting. In this way, we intend to define possibilities of transfer of expressive elements in the French-to-Czech language combination. The second part consists of an in-depth contrastive analysis of original French and Czech political speeches followed by a comparison of the former with their interpreted versions. In the third step, we compared the original Czech speeches with interpretations. Using our own methodology, we assessed collected data and came to the conclusion that in French-to- Czech simultaneous interpreting, expressivity rate decreases. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

The diploma thesis "Some Features of Persuasive Language in Selected Presidential Campaign Speeches of Two Candidates" aims to investigate how the rhetorical device of conceptual metaphor is employed in the election campaign speeches of Barack Obama and Mitt Romney addressed mainly to the Hispanic voters to develop the myth of the American Dream. The political speeches were analyzed under the theoretical framework of the critical metaphor analysis and critical discourse analysis. Besides the analysis of the metaphorical concepts that support the myth creation, other rhetorical devices were examined in the selected corpus of the both speeches for their persuasive function.

Orientador: Monica Graciela Zoppi-Fontana / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-18T14:49:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cestari_MarianaJafet_M.pdf: 7333717 bytes, checksum: fd613ba5104935b108eb58337702e0f7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: A emergência da "segunda onda feminista" no Brasil e na Argentina a partir dos anos 1970, como parte da conjuntura da América Latina, implicou a formação do sujeito político mulheres feministas relacionada à constituição de um lugar de enunciação coletivo das mulheres e para as mulheres no discurso e na história. A partir do lugar teóricometodológico da Análise do Discurso materialista, a análise comparativa da constituição do discurso feminista nos dois países é profícua para observar semelhanças e especificidades destes processos discursivos e a relação de forças com outros discursos em circulação na sociedade naquele período. Para tanto, o corpus discursivo da pesquisa é composto por enunciados de textos feministas escritos (periódicos, panfletos, resoluções de encontros e manifestos) em circulação no Brasil e na Argentina nos anos 1970, com destaque para o jornal Nós Mulheres (1976-1978) e a revista Persona (1974-1976). A descrição dos processos discursivos que representam imaginariamente os lugares sociais e as posições que funcionam como espaço de identificação no qual as mulheres se constituem/significam como feministas e enquanto tais como novo sujeito político, pela adesão ativa, nas lutas políticas e sociais empreendidas pelo movimento, produz elementos para se apreender a constituição deste lugar de enunciação. O questionamento presente no discurso feminista dos limites entre o público e o privado, com sua expressão na palavra de ordem "O pessoal é político!", é constitutivo do lugar de enunciação do sujeito político mulheres feministas. Considera-se que o movimento e o discurso feminista eram (e são) heterogêneos e produziram diferentes sentidos em condições de produção determinadas. As regularidades de certas projeções imaginárias no discurso feminista no Brasil e na Argentina sustentam a existência de uma formação discursiva feminista, que funciona como uma espécie de "autodicionário" e "matriz de sentido" do discurso feminista e na qual se configuram diversas posições sujeito / Abstract: The emergence of the "second wave of feminism" in Brazil and Argentina in the beginning of the 70s, as part of the Latin American economic outlook, implied in the formation of the political subject feminist women related to the formation of a collective enunciation place of women and for women in discourse and in history. From the theoretical-methodological materialist Discourse Analysis, a comparative analysis of the constitution of the feminist discourse in both countries are useful to observe similarities and singularities of these discursive processes and the force relation with other discourses circulating in society at that time. Therefore the discursive corpus of the research is constituted by enunciations of written feminist texts (newspapers, pamphlets, meeting decisions and open letters) circulating in Brazil and Argentina in the 70s, standing out is the newspaper Nós Mulheres (1976-1978) and the magazine Persona (1974-1976). The description of discursive processes which imaginably represent social places and positions which behave as a space of identification, where women constitute/signify as feminists and as so, as a new political subject by active support in political e social struggles, undertaken by the movement, produces elements so that one can apprehend the constitution of this enunciation place. Questioning the border between public and private in the feminist discourse, expressed by the watchword "The private is political!" establishes the enunciation place of the political subject feminist women. Feminist movement and discourse were (and are) heterogeneous and produce different meanings in certain production conditions. Regularity of certain imaginary projections in the feminist discourse in Brazil and Argentina sustain the existence of a feminist discursive formation that works like a "self-dictionary" and a "source for meaning" of the feminine discourse where we find several subject positions / Mestrado / Linguistica / Mestre em Linguística

Cette thèse traite de l’utilisation des symboles traditionnels dans la vie politique indonésienne. Nous nous sommes intéressés à l’exploitation de ces symboles dans la manière de présenter les discours politiques au sein de la communauté. Notre travail de recherche durant la période des élections de 2014 montre que le sujet de la légitimité est présent au cœur des discours électoraux. L’incorporation et l’utilisation des symboles traditionnels au sein des discours sont efficaces pour attirer l’attention du peuple et pour obtenir un soutien électoral. Les partis politiques, les hommes politiques et la Commission électorale à l’échelle locale exploitent ces symboles et les personnages mythologiques pour faire passer leurs messages aux citoyens. La plupart de politiciens prennent délibérément l’image de ces figures mythologiques pour servir leurs propres intérêts. Les hommes politiques profitent du réseau de parenté pour créer une légitimité culturelle en tant que leaders choisis pour la communauté. Ils essayent de retracer leurs liens généalogiques avec les grands personnages de l’histoire en les arborant ainsi dans leurs discours électoraux à travers les médias. Cette exploitation est authentifiée par la croyance populaire selon laquelle seuls les individus de grandes familles (balung gedhé) issues de la royauté peuvent devenir leurs leaders. Certaines des pratiques culturelles sont aussi organisées dans des lieux sacrés par les politiciens pour asseoir leur légitimité au sein de la communauté locale et à travers lesquels les citoyens reconnaissent leur supériorité. Ces manières dont les hommes politiques produisent leurs discours sont vivaces à l’intérieur de la communauté qui est toujours en attente de la présence d’une personne ayant la qualité d’une figure messianique qui va apporter la prospérité à la communauté. / This thesis deals with the use of traditional symbols in Indonesian politics. We have been interested in using these symbols in the presentation of political discourse in the community. Our field research during the general elections of 2014 shows that the subject of legitimacy is present at the heart of the electoral discourse. Politicians exploit the kinship network to create cultural legitimacy as chosen leaders for the community. They try to trace their genealogical ties with the great personality of the nation by supporting them in their electoral discourse through the media. This exploitation is authenticated by the popular belief that only individuals of great families (balung gedhé) from royalty can become their leaders. Some of the cultural practices are organized by politicians in sacred places to establish their legitimacy within the local community and through which people recognize their superiority. The incorporation and the use of traditional symbols in discourses are effective in attracting the attention of the people and in gaining electoral support. Political parties, politicians and the Election Commission at the local level employ these symbols and mythological characters to transmit their messages to citizens. Most politicians deliberately take the image of these mythological figures to serve their own interests. These ways in which politicians produce their discourses are persistent within the community which is always waiting for the presence of a person with the quality of a Messianic figure that will bring prosperity to the people.

The present study aims to explore how deictic personal pronouns are used in political speeches by the two American presidential candidates, Joe Biden and Donald Trump, during the 2020 United States presidential election. Donald Trump’s usage of the personal pronouns I, you, he/she, we and they is analysed and compared to Joe Biden’s usage of the same personal pronouns. The study has shown that Joe Biden has a preference for the first-person singular pronoun I while Donald Trump has a similar preference towards the third-person plural pronoun they. Both candidates also use the pronoun we just as often, however, Joe Biden’s we is mostly the universal we, referring to all Americans, while Donald Trump’s we is mostly the royal we, referring to his government. This study shows that the same deictic pronouns can be used to indicate inclusion and exclusion.

The reform of the United Nations Security Council belongs among the most discussed topics in the field of international relations. The criticism calling for adjustments to the Council's structure arose with the transformation of the international scene during the years of the Cold War. The process of decolonisation and the subsequent growth of the UN membership along with the decline of Great Britain and France fuelled the international pressure calling for the UNSC to reflect this new situation in its composition. However, in spite of the great number of proposals, since 1963 there has not been any major change. France, a permanent member of the Security Council, continued maintaining its negative attitude towards the reform until the end of the Cold War. Nevertheless, shortly after the end of the Cold War, the position of France changed. This change was articulated through the speech of Alain Juppé at the plenary meeting of the General Assembly in 1993, where France openly supported the UNSC reform. It can therefore be said that in 1993 there was a great change in French foreign policy. This thesis analyses how this change is projected in political discourse. Its aim is examining the nature of argumentation in the abovementioned discourse along with the way it corresponds to the...

This thesis documents the grammatical processes and semantic impact of innovative ways to pejoratively reference individuals through adjectival nominalization. Research on nominalized adjectives suggests that when meanings shift from having one property (1) to becoming a kind with associated properties (2), the noun form often encodes stereotypical attributes: [1] "Her hair is blonde." (hair color); [2] "He married a blonde." (female, sexy, dumb). Likewise, the linguistic phenomenon of genericity refers to classes or kinds and different grammatical structures reflect properties in different ways. In 1 and 2 above, the shift from adjectival blonde to indefinite NP a blonde moves the focus from the definitional characteristic to the prototypical. Similarly, adjectival gay [3] is definitional, but the marked, nominal form [4] adds socially-based conceptions of the "average" gay (example from Twitter): [3] jesus christ i make a joke and now im a gay man? (sexuality) [constructed]; [4] jesus christ i make a joke and now im a gay? … (flamboyant, abnormal). To investigate innovative reference via nominalization, two corpus studies based in human judgment were conducted. In the first study, a subset of the corpus (N=121) was annotated for pejoration by five additional linguists following the same guidelines as the original annotator. In the second study, 800 instances were annotated by non-experts using crowd-sourcing. In both studies we find a correspondence between nominal status and pejorative meaning.