Public participation, as a form of direct democracy, is becoming increasingly popular in the government policy-making process in China. This thesis argues that public participation in China acts neither as a supplement to a well-founded democratic system, nor as an alternative to an electoral democracy, nor even as an effective accountability politico-legal institution. Instead, contemporary public participation is an interim measure that caters to an urgent social need and provides temporary legitimacy to the state. As such, it is the first step towards further political liberalization, for which it lays a foundation. The public participation system in China has developed from its original form as a solely state-led, political campaign-oriented system in the closed era to the coexistence of three ideal-type public participation in the open era: state-led, issue-specific participation, spontaneous, issue-specific, group-based participation and spontaneous, issue-specific, individual-based participation. Public hearing, corporate lobbying and e-participation can be correspondingly treated as representative mechanisms of the three ideal-type public participation in China. In addition, the institutions of open government information and judicial redress are currently the most significant support structures for this system. Relying on the methodologies of case studies, statutory interpretation, quantitative calculation and socio-legal analysis, the thesis finds that citizens can articulate their demands on policies in public hearings, but government organs are inclined to prevent any substantial challenge to their proposed policies. Although business groups have not been conferred with any special systematic opportunity to participate in the formulation of policy, corporate lobbying contributes towards undermining the government’s monopoly in the policy-making. Citizens in e-participation take full advantage of the flexibility and anonymity of the Internet to enjoy a free, low-risk space of debating government policies and monitoring government officials. Although the implementation of the Regulations on Open Government Information has been basically satisfactory, the Regulations have failed to establish the necessary transparency for public participation. What citizens seek in public participation litigations is not only judicial redress of their grievances, but, even more significantly, de facto influence on a policy-making process taking place outside the courtrooms. The public participation system as a whole in China has a paradoxical character in contextual, structural, functional and developmental aspects. Its essential defect is to fall short of a device that makes government policymakers accountable for the output of public participation. The public participation system is used by the state as a viable trajectory for its own legitimization to secure the formal validation of government policies and to reduce the risks that it confronts in the ongoing democratization process. It is used by citizens as a locus of their self-expression values and as an incubator of their developing citizenship, also providing a prompt channel for citizens’ rightful contest. The prospects of this system and its impacts on future legitimization of the state are ultimately underpinned by citizens’ struggles for liberty and democracy, but they are directly shaped by the state’s adaptive strategy. / published_or_final_version / Law / Master / Doctor of Legal Studies

published_or_final_version / Public Administration / Master / Master of Public Administration

published_or_final_version / Public Administration / Master / Master of Public Administration

published_or_final_version / Public Administration / Master / Master of Public Administration

published_or_final_version / Public Administration / Master / Master of Public Administration

陳曙峰. / "2000年8月" / 論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2000. / 參考文獻 (leaves 105-125) / 附中英文摘要. / "2000 nian 8 yue" / Chen Shufeng. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2000. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 105-125) / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / 論文摘要（中文版) --- p.i-ii / 論文摘要（英文版) --- p.iii-iv / 鳴謝 --- p.v / 目錄 --- p.vi-x / Chapter 第一章 --- 論文引介 --- p.1-6 / Chapter 一. --- 硏究問題及目的 --- p.3-6 / Chapter 第二章 --- 文獻回顧 --- p.7-42 / Chapter 一. --- 文獻回顧：香港勞工運動硏究 --- p.7-22 / Chapter 1. --- 引言 --- p.7-8 / Chapter 2. --- 硏究時限 --- p.8-11 / Chapter 3. --- 硏究對象 --- p.11-13 / Chapter 4. --- 硏究問題 --- p.13-15 / Chapter 5. --- 硏究分析 --- p.15-21 / Chapter 6. --- 小結 --- p.21-22 / Chapter 二. --- 文獻回顧：工運路線 --- p.22-25 / Chapter 三. --- 文獻回顧：社會運動理論 --- p.25-42 / Chapter 1. --- 集體行爲論 --- p.25-27 / Chapter 2. --- 資源動員論 --- p.27-29 / Chapter 3. --- 新社會運動論 --- p.29-35 / Chapter 4. --- 政治過程模型 --- p.35-42 / Chapter 第三章 --- 分析架構及硏究方法 --- p.43-47 / Chapter 一. --- 分析架構 --- p.43-46 / Chapter 二. --- 硏究方法及資料搜集 --- p.46-47 / Chapter 第四章 --- 獨立工運團體及其路線 --- p.48-67 / Chapter 一. --- 獨立工運團體 --- p.48-55 / Chapter 1. --- 基督教工業委員會及香港職工會聯盟 --- p.49-53 / Chapter 2. --- 街坊工友服務處 --- p.53-55 / Chapter 二. --- 獨立工運路線 --- p.55-67 / Chapter 1. --- 經濟及非政黨工會 --- p.55-57 / Chapter a. --- 工會手段 --- p.55-56 / Chapter b. --- 與政黨關係 --- p.56-57 / Chapter 2. --- 政治及政黨工會 --- p.58-67 / Chapter a. --- 工會與政治目標 --- p.58-60 / Chapter b. --- 目標的範圍 --- p.60-62 / Chapter c. --- 動員群眾的原因 --- p.62-64 / Chapter d. --- 領袖的意識形態 --- p.64-66 / Chapter e. --- 「運動主義」 --- p.66-67 / Chapter f. --- 政黨化傾向 --- p.67 / Chapter 第五章 --- 政制改革前香港的獨立勞工運動 --- p.68-75 / Chapter 一. --- 政治機會結構 --- p.68-71 / Chapter 1. --- 政治系統的開放程度 --- p.68-69 / Chapter 2. --- 支持建制的穩定精英組合 --- p.69-70 / Chapter 3. --- 精英聯盟 --- p.70 / Chapter 4. --- 政府鎭壓的能力及傾向 --- p.70-71 / Chapter 二. --- 動員結構 --- p.71-73 / Chapter 三. --- 體系化過程 --- p.73-75 / Chapter 第六章 --- 政制改革下香港的獨立勞工運動 --- p.76-98 / Chapter 一. --- 政治機會結構 --- p.77-85 / Chapter 1. --- 政治系統的開放程度 --- p.77-79 / Chapter 2. --- 支持建制的穩定精英組合 --- p.79-80 / Chapter 3. --- 精英聯盟 --- p.81-83 / Chapter 4. --- 政府鎭壓的能力及傾向 --- p.83-85 / Chapter 二. --- 動員結構 --- p.85-92 / Chapter 1. --- 成員 --- p.85-86 / Chapter 2. --- 領導 --- p.86 / Chapter 3. --- 策略 --- p.87-91 / Chapter 4. --- 團結誘因的建立 --- p.91-92 / Chapter 5. --- 溝通網絡 --- p.92 / Chapter 三. --- 體系化過程 --- p.92-98 / Chapter 第七章 --- 結論：延續政治征途 --- p.99-104 / Chapter 一. --- 路線轉變 --- p.99-101 / Chapter 二. --- 政制改革影響獨立工運的路線 --- p.101-103 / Chapter 三. --- 延續政治征途 --- p.103-104 / 參考書目 --- p.105-125 / 中文部分 --- p.105-109 / 英文部分 --- p.110-124 / 參考報刊 --- p.125

published_or_final_version / Politics and Public Administration / Master / Master of Public Administration

published_or_final_version / Public Administration / Master / Master of Public Administration

published_or_final_version / Public Administration / Master / Master of Public Administration

published_or_final_version / Public Administration / Master / Master of Public Administration